"It is not Spain which needs to be Europeanised," Gen Franco's designated political successor, Admiral Carrero Blanco, declared during the last years of the old regime. "It is Europe which needs to be Hispanicised."
It was a characteristic piece of bombast, one of many clear signs that Spain's old guard was almost pathologically out of touch with its own people. The dark fantasy of a revived Hispanic empire had some rhetorical force when Franco's Nazi allies were still crushing democracy in Europe. But 25 years later, most Spaniards had no desire to retreat to the "profound Spain" of the past, dusty with conquistadores, the Inquisition and intolerant isolationism.
In any case, ETA took Carrero Blanco out of the equation with a spectacular assassination in 1973. Franco died in his bed two years later. His successor as head of state, King Juan Carlos, surprised almost everyone by skillfully opening the doors to liberty. The 1978 Constitution was clearly based on the dominant Western European principles of liberal democracy and the rule of law.
However, there was still a widespread sense among Spanish people that their country remained backward, culturally, economically, politically, socially and sexually. The word "European" became, in much the same way as it has in Ireland, an almost unquestionable synonym for "modern", "progressive", "liberal" and even "liberated".
When Felipe Gonzalez's young and hungry Socialist Party (PSOE) won the 1982 elections, Spain's passion for Europe came into full flower. The application for EC entry had already been submitted, but the PSOE was in a particularly strong position to pursue it.
The party had excellent relationships with European labour parties, including our own, though the especially close links the PSOE had long enjoyed with the German SPD did not stop Felipe Gonzalez from bonding very closely with Helmut Kohl's Christian Democrats when they also came to power in 1982.
The PSOE thus embarked on a headlong programme of modernisation. But, in the early days, they offered their putative EC partners an attractive blend of dynamism and stability. If Spain was to take its place as a major force in Brussels, these guys were the dream team to get them there.
Industry was ruthlessly restructured, painfully shedding millions of jobs but gaining in efficiency and profitablity. Social legislation was liberalised, and the social welfare system and health services were extended and upgraded. Huge sums were invested in infrastructure, spawning a vast network of motorways.
Spain duly became an EC member in 1986. A further turning point occurred in the same year when the PSOE, reversing one of its most cherished policies, won a referendum to confirm Spanish membership of Nato.
Felipe Gonzalez's stature as a senior figure on the European stage was assured.
Today, the young fogeys of the conservative Partido Popular (PP), who formed a minority government last April, are keen to prove themselves every bit as "European" as the PSOE. They are fiercely committed to meeting the Maastricht convergence criteria for monetary union by 1999. Indeed, if the Spanish train should fail to enter the 21st century on the fast track of the EU, the blow to the country's self esteem is likely to be devastating.
The new Prime Minister, Jose' Maria Aznar, knows that he needs to win his spurs in Brussels, and quickly slapped down one of his ministers for expressing doubts as to Spain's capacity to make the grade on time.
Whether he can cope with the attendant social consequences of job losses and social welfare cuts - which meeting the demands of Maastricht entails, remains an open question. At the moment, however, only a rather marginalised Communist grouping opposes the fast track approach.
To focus entirely on Europe, however, is to ignore two vital dimensions of Spain: the country's intimate links with the Arab and Jewish worlds, and its even closer ties with Latin America. The Arab links came first no one can begin to understand Spain without taking into account the impact of nearly eight centuries of highly civilised Moorish occupation, or of the large Jewish communities which mostly thrived under Arab rule.
Spanish attitudes to this heritage have been deeply ambiguous. The "reconquest" completed by the Catholic monarchs, Ferdinand and Isabella, in 1492, set persistent precedents for harsh intolerance, often bordering on genocide. You can still hear the word "Moro" (Moor) used as an insult today, while Spain's rich Semitic heritage has been recognised only in a backhanded way.
The story goes that a Spanish tourist official put a slightly dodgy business proposition to an English advertising agent in the 1960s. The agent responded that the proposal was "not quite cricket". The official's eyes darkened. "My dear friend," he said, "you must realise that we Spaniards are half Arab, half Jewish, and we do not play cricket.
Today, most educated people would express the connection more positively. Arabic and Jewish influences on everything from Spanish cooking to Spanish architecture are now stressed rather than supressed. Internationally, Spain now seeks a role as a bridge between Europe and North Africa and the Middle East, hosting such significant events as the 1991 Madrid Conference on Peace in the Middle East and last year's Euro Mediterranean summit in Barcelona.
The strength of Spanish links with Latin America is shown by the extensive coverage the continent gets in the Spanish media. And there is often a lively sense in conversations here that Peru or Mexico is indeed as close as the next parish. Curiously, though, Spain is often seen as the modern and innovative partner, and Latin America as the repository of traditional Spanish values, the reverse of the relationship between Ireland or Britain and the US.
The country's vital overseas connections are obviously an enormous asset to its role in Europe, not just in the obvious commercial and political senses, but also in making the EU a less insular bloc in world affairs.
The rapid growth of the Latin community within the US also opens up another major channel for Spanish influence. Perhaps not just Europe, but the world, will have to be Hispanicised after all, in ways Carrero Blanco could never have imagined.