LEADER'S SPEECH:THE FOLLOWING is an edited version of the presidential address given by Gerry Adams to the Sinn Féin ardfheis.
Comrades, friends, since we last met here in the RDS the political situation has been transformed. The unimaginable - some would say the unbelievable - has happened.
The two "unbelievables", Ian Paisley and Martin McGuinness, are sitting together as equal partners, in a powersharing government in the North. In addition, Michelle Gildernew, is the Minister for Agriculture and Rural Development; Conor Murphy is the Minister for Regional Development; Caitríona Ruane is the Minister for Education; and Gerry Kelly is a Junior Minister in the Office of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister.
Today, comrades, Sinn Féin Ministers are placing equality at the heart of decision-making in the North for the first time. The all-Ireland institutions are up and running and starting to make a real impact.
And a few weeks ago, led by An Taoiseach Bertie Ahern, by Ian Paisley and Martin McGuinness, 11 Ministers from the North - four of them "Shinners" - and 11 from the South, discussed a range of matters affecting the people of this island. And there wasn't one English Minister about the place.
But who would have thought it possible? Well, I don't want to be saying, 'I told you so', but, I told you so.
Forty years ago, when I was much younger, the civil rights movement took to the streets in the North. It had united republicans, nationalists, socialists and other progressive forces around basic demands. It became organic and spontaneous, and won mass support in a way which is an example to us today.
The attack on that movement in Derry in October of that year was the beginning of the slide into a conflict which lasted for more than a quarter of a century. It took republican initiatives and a republican peace strategy to create the conditions in which a political agreement could be forged, 10 years ago this April.
And while others played their part, and we have commended everyone who has played a part, republicans have played a key role in putting together the Good Friday Agreement. And we have played an even bigger role in working for its full implementation.
So, for very good reasons, Sinn Féin and Irish republicans generally stand by the Good Friday Agreement. It was endorsed by the people of Ireland, North and South. It addresses many of the causes of conflict and provides a peaceful political path towards Irish unity for those who support that objective.
But it's work in progress. There are still outstanding issues around the use, and the rights and entitlements of those who want to use the Irish language. There is no Bill of Rights in any State on this island and regional disparity in the allocation of investment is a fact of life, North and South. Effective targeting of areas of greatest social need has not been realised. And sectarianism is still a dreadful scourge.
Last year, we took the historic decision to endorse policing structures in the North. I commend our elected representatives who have taken their places on the Policing Board and local District Policing Partnerships.
Already, a significant difference is being made. The next necessary stage in this process is the transfer of policing and justice powers to the Executive and away from the British government.
Let me be clear. We expect the British and Irish governments to honour the commitments they made at St Andrews. The DUP has said they will not agree to this, at this time. And they have advanced a number of spurious reasons.
They claim there is not sufficient public confidence - the time is not right. I strongly disagree. I believe the majority of people, nationalist and unionist, want these powers transferred now.
Thirty-six years ago it was the unionists who collapsed the Stormont regime because the British government removed law and order powers from it. Isn't it ironic today that it is unionists who are objecting to the return of these powers?
Sinn Féin has always been willing to put ourselves in other people's shoes, to understand their difficulties and, where this has been possible, to accommodate this in the national interest. But we cannot lead unionism. Only unionist leaders can do that.
Most people were uplifted, if a little taken aback, by the visible signs that Martin McGuinness and Ian Paisley have a civilised working relationship. Others within unionism, who are opposed to this process, including some within Ian Paisley's own party, have an opposite view. They are against powersharing. And they have been actively seeking to bring it to an end.
And that is the context for the refusal to agree the transfer of powers on policing and justice at this time. It is a very sad commentary on the state of unionism that the focus of some is to force a situation where Paisley must go.
The political institutions, and let us commend them for this, would not be in place if longsighted DUP leaders had not taken the initiative. They need to stand up to the rejectionists to ensure the stability and durability of the institutions.
The DUP has to fulfil its responsibilities and obligations on a range of issues, including the transfer of powers, and also on the Irish language. In fact, the future of the DUP, the future of unionism, and of the power-sharing arrangements will be decided, to a very large extent, by the way DUP leaders deal with these matters.
Sinn Féin is very conscious of the problems which they face. Any leadership intent on managing a process of transition will face difficulties. But the long-term resolution of these difficulties is never found in pandering to the lowest common denominator, or by standing still, or by doing nothing.
The Sinn Féin leadership knows this full well. We have consistently faced up to difficult challenges. We have consistently faced down those who would take our people back to conflict. They are the past - not the future.
It is a matter for the DUP who leads their party. It is not our business and we will continue to work with them in good faith. Our message to them and to unionism generally is a fraternal message.
We are working with you in the powersharing government. We want to deliver for people across the island. So we want to continue working with you.
But we can only judge any party or any leadership on its willingness to promote the process of peace and reconciliation. We can only judge it on how it honours its obligations.
We have also a message for the naysayers. This process will prevail.
Outstanding matters - whether An Acht na Gaeilge or the transfer of policing and justice powers will be secured. There can be no doubt whatsoever about that.
We are closer, friends, to bringing about Irish reunification than at any time in the past. Despite ingrained partitionism within the Irish establishment, there is growing support for Irish unity and there is a growing awareness of the importance of the all-Ireland economy to this nation's future.
But none of this will happen by chance. We need to set out how we will reach this historic goal - how do we create the conditions for a united Ireland? In the coming weeks I will be establishing a high-powered taskforce led by Martin Ferris, Gerry Kelly, Larry Downes, Bairbre de Brún and Rita O'Hare, to drive forward the roadmap to Irish unity.
As we approach the 100th anniversary of the 1916 Rising we are asking the Irish diaspora to put its full weight behind a renewed campaign for Irish reunification. I would like to invite others of like mind to come on board and to make this a genuine movement for change over the next number of years.
The proclamation of 1916 sets out a vision of an independent Ireland, a society based on the notion of equality for all, on justice and real democracy.
What does the Proclamation mean in this Year of Our Lord 2008? It means a society where there is equal access to proper standards of health and education; where there is control of our natural resources so that these can be developed in the interests of all; an end to the corruption that has marred politics for many years; and an end to the division between a class of super-rich and the vast majority of ordinary taxpaying citizens.
It means respect and promotion of our culture, our language, art and literature rather than downgrading them, and a welcome for the new Irish who have come to build their lives in our country.
It also means facing up to the challenge posed by the Lisbon Treaty.
This treaty envisages deeper Irish involvement with EU battle groups, in the European Defence Agency, in the Partnership for Peace military alliance, and in Nato. These are being introduced by stealth without any real debate about the consequences.
The Lisbon Treaty gives the EU institutions too much power. These proposals are about reducing the political clout of the Irish people, including the right to stop EU laws which are not in the Irish national interest.
The Irish government failed to stand up for the national interest in the negotiations on the Lisbon Treaty. Dustin the Turkey could have done a better job.
The result is a bad deal for Ireland. The question now is what do we do about it? The first step is to vote No. That will bring EU leaders back to the table.
The electorate is being threatened that if the Irish people vote No we will be marginalised across Europe.
The same type of scare tactics was used during the recent general election. But as is now obvious, that worked only for the scaremongers now in Government.
It did not work for the electorate and many voters, for many good reasons, now regret voting as they did last May. So, they won't be bullied or cajoled, or fooled so easily the next time around.
That is why the Taoiseach has yet to name a date for the referendum.
So let's send a very clear message to Rialtas Bhaile Atha Cliath ón ardán seo inniu. Bertie, name a date for the referendum on the Lisbon Treaty.
What is the government doing to oppose the appalling treatment of the Palestinian people who are entitled to their own viable state? Nothing.
What is the government doing about the unjust invasion and occupation by the US and Britain of Iraq? Nothing.
Sinn Féin is in step with the views of the vast majority of people on this island. The occupation of Palestinian Territories must end. The war in Iraq must end.
Last week, on your behalf, I extended best wishes to President Fidel Castro on his retirement. This ardfheis extends solidarity to him and to the people of Cuba - hasta siempre, a chara.
There is a widespread and dangerous belief among the general public, North and South, that politicians are either corrupt or corruptible.
How effective can any democracy be if hundreds of thousands of people don't vote and if there is a growing scepticism about the whole political process? If graft and sleaze and corruption are the order of the day? This party and I support the work of the tribunals but I believe that much more is required. We are not looking to canonise public representatives but society is entitled to expect the highest standards from everyone in public life.
Public representatives should not place themselves under any financial or other obligation to anyone who might influence them in carrying out their duties.
Earlier this month Sinn Féin and the Labour Party sponsored a joint motion in Leinster House calling on the Irish Government to enact legislation to protect the rights of agency workers.
Mitchel McLaughlin proposed a Sinn Féin motion in the Assembly to address this issue. It received all-party support. This week the Minister for Employment and Learning introduced new and tougher regulations on this issue. That's an example of our party's all-Ireland approach.
Prosperity and job creation are key priorities for Sinn Féin. Ireland needs an enterprising economy. We need to generate wealth. We need to be competitive and that's the reality. We need to live in the real world.
And we have been reaching out to those who form the backbone of the economy - entrepreneurs, hoteliers, workers, retailers, union leaders, pub and restaurant owners, the fishing and the farming community.
We understand the concerns of those who continue to provide the vast majority of jobs in the economy. We know that they face particular pressures as the Government fails to tackle these issues which are undermining competitiveness.
Sinn Féin understands the need for a strong economy to provide essential health and education and other public services that citizens have the right to expect in the 21st century.
Sinn Féin is not anti-business. Sinn Féin is pro-business.
Neither is Sinn Féin a high tax party. We are a fair tax party.
We are against exploitation in the workplace. We are against industry that pollutes the environment. But we are very much in favour of building businesses that are integrated with their communities, providing necessary employment, providing good terms and conditions, and services and goods that are essential to our people's needs.
The government's failure to properly invest in infrastructure, education and training over the last 15 years has left huge challenges.
We must upskill for the next generation of jobs and invest for the future. That's what our Education Minister in the North, Caitríona Ruane, is determined to do. When she took on the challenge of education, Caitríona knew that she had to bring in fundamental reform. Too many of our children are being failed by the current system. Sinn Féin refuses to accept this.
The 11-plus had to go. And it has gone. And we are pleased that our party and our Ministers got rid of it.
In the coming months there will be discussions on a new social partnership plan here involving the Irish Government, employers and unions representing the public and private sector.
This Government expects workers, who contributed most to the growth of the Celtic Tiger, and who benefited the least, to tighten their belts at a time of economic uncertainty. This is totally unacceptable.
Sinn Féin is one of the great political movements of our time. I want to make a special appeal to women to join our ranks.
So, my friends, we've made a good beginning. Go n-éirí an t-ádh libh go léir. I look forward to working with you all. We are going to build an Ireland which is united, peaceful, prosperous and one which our people deserve.