Analysis: Michael Noonan didn't quite reinvent himself at the ardfheis but he lifted a flagging party and kept himself in the race for Taoiseach, writes Denis Coghlan, Chief Political Correspondent
Like a tired dog that scents a hare, the Fine Gael party shook itself at the weekend and broke into a lope. A general election was coming down the tracks and party delegates from all around the State bonded and prepared to take on Fianna Fáil.
Weeks ago, the party had been written off by many commentators as it slumped in the opinion polls. But these people hadn't given up hope. They believed in the party and, when Michael Noonan provided them with a revamped version of the Just Society as a future model for Irish life, they embraced the vision.
Enthusiasm wasn't confined to a greying membership. Certainly, there were many old heads at the conference centre. But there was a surprising number of Young Fine Gaelers. The youngsters made their presence felt on Saturday morning when they pushed through motions calling for a two-year mandate for party leaders and a special delegate conference to ratify the party's entry into government. Those changes require further endorsement by the party - and will almost certainly be resisted by the leadership - but they are indications of an active and committed membership.
With about three months to the election, nobody was panicking. The wheels were coming off the Government's economic wagon; social and industrial pressures were mounting and there was every chance Fianna Fáil would lose next month's abortion referendum.
Michael Noonan was on a high. Having kicked off the ardfheis on Friday night with a challenge to the Taoiseach to call an immediate general election, he followed it up with a demand for a televised, head-to-head debate on abortion with Bertie Ahern. "You can run, Taoiseach," he growled in his Limerick accent, "but you can't hide." It went down a treat with delegates. They understood old-style, back-of-a-lorry politicking.
But there was another dimension. High-quality television exposure for Mr Noonan as the alternative Taoiseach would be a real bonus. And if the referendum was defeated, he could be portrayed as a giant-killer. So don't expect Mr Ahern to take up the challenge.
The rest of the ardfheis was given over to a sustained onslaught on the Coalition Government's economic and social failures. And, as the weaknesses and vulnerability of the Government were highlighted, the self-belief of delegates visibly grew. Fine Gael was being called upon, once again, to clean up a mess created by Fianna Fáil.
The sleaze factor and a Fianna Fáil roll of shame helped to set the scene for Mr Noonan's presidential address. The Taoiseach had failed to provide leadership or to clean up politics. There had been no fresh start or moral renewal. Instead, greed and individualism had been encouraged by the Government to the detriment of society and the community.
Fine Gael would do things differently. It would prioritise the development of a caring society. In that regard, it reclaimed its traditional law-and-order agenda from John O'Donoghue and promised to make the streets secure at night and people safe in their homes.
The economy was a tricky one. Charlie McCreevy was lambasted for allowing public spending to run out of control at 22 per cent when Government revenue was growing at only 2 per cent. Des O'Malley had confirmed the champagne lifestyle couldn't last and, Jim Mitchell told delegates, major cutbacks in current spending were required.
Where those cutbacks would come and who they would affect was anybody's guess. Certainly neither Mr Mitchell nor Mr Noonan was purveying bad news. They had an election to win. And if that meant fudging the issue, so be it.
Mr Mitchell offered the prospect of no tax increases, either income, capital gains or corporation. Mr Noonan followed up by promising no tax on the minimum wage and relief for stay-at-home wives from tax individualisation. He spoke of introducing a lower, 30 per cent income tax rate; increasing first-time house grants and reforming the higher education grant system.
It was as if the Celtic Tiger had never lost its roar. Not only were taxes to remain the same or be reduced, but social services were to be expanded.
Capital spending on the National Development Plan was to be increased, if necessary through borrowings, even as the State continued to invest in a National Pension Fund.
The messages were conflicting; the economic programme suspect. But Fine Gael promised it would publish a fully costed election programme in the future.
In that regard, Mr Noonan came close to accepting that his version of the Just Society would not be immediately attainable.