Diplomacy by dinner engagement: In August 1975 Garret FitzGerald took advantage of the fact that he himself and the British foreign secretary James Callaghan had chosen west Cork for their holidays.
The Callaghans - James and Audrey, both of whom incidentally died during the past year - were staying at the summer home of their son-in-law Peter Jay, then a journalist and broadcaster, and later to be appointed British ambassador to Washington.
Garret FitzGerald wrote up his account of a dinner party at the Callaghans on Saturday, August 23rd, which was also attended by the then leader of the Opposition, Jack Lynch and his wife Mairín.
Callaghan initiated the discussion on Northern Ireland by asking "how would the situation be there in five years' time". Lynch "led off with his analysis - not much hope of success at the convention, and a very uncertain situation afterwards, in view of the strength of the paramilitaries". FitzGerald notes his agreement with this analysis.
Callaghan is recorded as stating that he had disagreed with the handling of the Ulster Workers' Council strike of the previous year which had brought down the Sunningdale power-sharing executive: FitzGerald reports him as stating that the Wilson government - of which he was an influential member and by far the most experienced on Northern Ireland - "should not have given in to the strikers, but should have sat it out".
FitzGerald emphasised the problem which would be created for the Republic if the British government failed to maintain control of the situation and to protect the minority.
He stated "that this would pose a very great problem for us in view of the pressure that would then come on the Irish Government to take action to protect the minority, especially in east Ulster, which was beyond our power.
"The situation that could thus be created might be highly dangerous. Intervention by the Irish Army could not resolve the situation, and such a failure would threaten democratic government in the Republic - as could a refusal by the Irish Government to let the Army intervene."
Lynch supported FitzGerald in this analysis. Fitzgerald even went so far as to talk of the possibility of "a vacuum throughout Ireland" which would pose a danger to Britain and northwest Europe, "a situation in which extra-European powers such as the Soviet Union, China or Libya could meddle." Callaghan insisted that Britain would "not abdicate its responsibilities".
Callaghan raised the issue of internment in a doomsday situation. FitzGerald said that this was "a very difficult question." But pressed, he said that if the British were attempting to deal with such a situation and re-introduced internment for both sides, he "thought we could support this action - although this was very much a personal view."
He then records Maureen Lynch expressing "a doubt" as to whether Fianna Fáil could support such a stand, with Jack Lynch "tentatively" agreeing; but then acquiescing in FitzGerald's line when the doomsday preconditions were again spelt out. Callaghan, Lynch and FitzGerald were in agreement about the "damage done" during Reginald Maudling's custody of Northern Irish policy when he had been home secretary.
FitzGerald summed up Callaghan's position as being "convinced of the importance of Britain staying"; but that "as a last resort he has considered the 'repartition' solution with exchange of populations".
On the following Tuesday hospitality was returned, the Callaghans lunching with the FitzGeralds. Callaghan is recorded as admitting that British public opinion "could be very fickle on Northern Ireland"; in a doomsday situation there would be a number of Labour MPs "who would support disengagement" but that Harold Wilson "would be 'alright'".
