Republicans must finally decide whether they are prepared to abandon the machinery of death and rely on their electoral mandate alone, writes Peter Robinson of the DUP
At the conclusion of the talks at Lancaster House in June the Rev Ian Paisley indicated that he believed it was possible to detect the faint outline and context of a way forward that would be agreeable to us, but that much work would be needed to resolve significant differences.
As a result of the June talks four main elements have been identified that need to be settled if we are to succeed in reaching overall agreement: a definitive and conclusive end to paramilitary activity; the decommissioning of all paramilitary weapons to an early timescale and on a convincing basis; a clear commitment on all sides to the stability of the political institutions and to changes to their operation agreed within the talks; and support for policing from all sides of the community and an agreed framework for the devolution of policing.
The DUP is approaching the negotiations in September fully focused on attempting to deliver an agreement that will see devolved power exercised in a stable, accountable and exclusively peaceful and democratic environment.
Having received a renewed mandate in the recent election we are eager to make our contribution to secure an agreement based on policies and principles that the unionist community has endorsed. Our commitment to the talks process has been well documented since the Assembly election last November.
At every stage the DUP has vigorously contributed in the pursuit of a fair deal. We have published two detailed policy papers and have set out options that could allow the process to move forward in circumstances where an overall deal was not yet secured.
Unfortunately not every party has been as dedicated in seeking to secure an agreement, and none has submitted to the government the number and range of papers and documents that the DUP has. Indeed, we are marking time waiting for others to catch up.
Despite all the difficulties and challenges we face, we will return to the table in September with renewed vigour and determination. Let me be very clear that, while the DUP will attempt to secure agreement in all the areas of difficulty, we will also require real commitment and tangible results from all the other parties in the process.
The work of the review must deliver meaningful change that allows the political institutions to deliver stable, accountable, effective and efficient government.
There is no point in securing agreement on other issues to return to a system of government that has proved it cannot deliver for people across the province. Any devolved administration must be capable of delivering for those it serves.
Einstein once defined insanity as repeating the same behaviour and expecting a different outcome. The Belfast Agreement has failed, and re-establishing it will invite the same outcome. Surely we are not so dim as to ignore the reasons for its failure and come up short when required to make the changes that can "usher in" stable and lasting structures and institutions.
All these notions, of course, will only and need only be faced if we are dealing with a Sinn Féin that has been democratised. Sinn Féin does not become a democratic party because it gained an electoral mandate. Being a democratic party entails reliance on peaceful and democratic means alone and brooks no association with terrorism or criminality.
Many people recognise the immense difficulty in reaching agreement when the two main parties representing the two sections of the community are the DUP and Sinn Féin.
Yet this reality is a fact of political life that cannot be wished away. Whatever path we seek to lay out must face this reality. A solution will not flow from proposals that duck awkward facts.
Nothing anyone has said or done can be unsaid or undone, and what has been said and done over the past decades in Northern Ireland is likely to ensure that there will never be a loving relationship between our two parties.
But that is not the main issue we have to overcome. We do not need to like someone in order to work within the same structure for the people we represent. What we require is the certainty that if Sinn Féin is operating within those structures and institutions its modus operandi (inside and outside) is an exclusively peaceful and democratic one. Our priority throughout this process has been the return of devolution on a basis that involves parties working together within accountable local institutions, on a level playing field that is exclusively peaceful and democratic.
That is the basis upon which the people of Northern Ireland can move forward together. The underlying threat of violence, the absence of real peace and the inability to resolve the issue of removing the machinery of terror has been the biggest stumbling block to progress.
An end to paramilitary and criminal activity, the decommissioning of all arms and making the structures stable, accountable, effective and efficient are the DUP's negotiating imperatives. Unlike the UUP the DUP will only form an executive in circumstances where there has been completion on all these issues.
There must be completion. Republicans must finally decide whether they are prepared to abandon the machinery of death and rely on their electoral mandate alone.
If republicans do what is required I believe it would substantially increase confidence within the unionist community and demonstrate that those who have previously been committed to violence now intend to pursue an exclusively peaceful and democratic agenda.
Over the passage of time, the faithful observance of such a move would transform the political climate and justify greater faith in the political process. It is in this context - with the structures and institutions settled in and the agreement consolidated - that unionists would be looking for the transfer of further powers.
The unionist community has historically supported the devolution of policing and justice powers. Indeed in the 1970s an Ulster Unionist government saw Stormont prorogued rather than allow it to continue without such responsibility.
It is therefore no big move for unionists today to embrace the principle of devolving such powers. However, such is the impact of policing and criminal justice to the lives of everyone in Northern Ireland that it is crucial that such powers are exercised in a manner that the community accepts and in a way that enjoys their confidence.
Equally the community must have confidence in those who will exercise such power. At the present time I do not believe nationalists would have sufficient confidence in a DUP policing and justice minister and, as I see it, the unionist community would certainly not tolerate a Sinn Féin minister in that post.
Policing and justice powers cannot be devolved by setting an arbitrary date regardless of the circumstances. It is only when an enabling environment exists and agreement is reached on how those powers would be exercised that we would support their transfer.
If we achieve completion on the key issues of decommissioning, ending criminal and paramilitary activity and institutions are agreed that are capable of commanding unionist as well as nationalist support the DUP will enthusiastically and commend such an agreement to the wider unionist community.
Peter Robinson MP MLA is deputy leader of the Democratic Unionist Party