The third largest political party in the Republic will today choose a new leader to replace Mr Dick Spring, who has decided to stand down. It will be a momentous decision for a party which, although the oldest in the State, has only begun to achieve its potential in recent years. And it will certainly have long-term implications for the structure of future governments because of the emergence of coalition arrangements as the political norm.
Mr Ruairi Quinn and Mr Brendan Howlin are the only contenders for a job which is likely to prove extremely arduous. Morale within the party has been shattered by a June general election which almost halved Labour's parliamentary representation. On top of that, its presidential candidate, Ms Adi Roche, produced a dismal showing following a lacklustre campaign. From the heady heights of 1992, when the party won 33 Dail seats, it now languishes at a Dail representative level of 17. And it could lose one of those seats in a by-election, following the death of Mr Jim Kemmy.
The unexpected resignation of Mr Spring, after 15 years at the helm of the Labour Party, reflects the precarious state of the organisation. After the general election defeat, Mr Spring was prepared to lead on, in the hope that a positive presidential election result would lift the party's fortunes and rekindle morale. When that didn't happen, he recognised a disagreeable reality and resigned in the hope that a new face and new ideas would succeed where he had failed. It was a generous reaction. A new leader can embody a powerful incentive to change and innovation, as Mr Spring himself found on becoming leader in 1982. And, while the difficulties involved in rebuilding and re-orienting the organisation will be formidable, they are not beyond the capacities of either Mr Quinn or Mr Howlin.
The job of rebuilding Labour will start from a very different base to that which Mr Spring inherited. When he took over, the party was riven by personality clashes and ideological divisions and he gave it vision, direction and unity. One of the most important changes had to do with public perception. Fifteen years ago, the Labour Party was very much the poor relation of Fianna Fail and Fine Gael. The "reds under the bed" smear had not lost all of its original, pre-Vatican Council, potency. In coalition governments, Fine Gael supped with a long spoon. Labour Party politicians were regarded patronisingly as fairly decent fellows who could, however, be unreliable and even dangerous. Labour ministers could not, for example, be trusted with such sensitive departments as Education, Finance or Foreign Affairs. But that negative baggage disappeared between 1992 and 1994 under Dick Spring's leadership and the weight of 33 Dail seats. It was a major psychological advance. Rebuilding the Labour Party will not be a quick or an easy task. But whoever wins today's vote will enjoy the inestimable advantage of starting from strong and extensive foundations.