President Clinton and the British Prime Minister, Mr Tony Blair, have this weekend powerfully reinforced the fundamental reality of next Friday's referendum; the Belfast Agreement offers the best prospect for peace and accommodation between both traditions in Northern Ireland. Voters must not allow themselves to be diverted from this stark reality. It would be an abdication of responsibility to this and to future generations if the prospect of peace and reconciliation offered by the Belfast Agreement was set aside because of passing revulsion over the triumphalism displayed by paramilitary prisoners at recent party conferences and the prospect of their early release.
It has taken years of painstaking negotiation by two Governments and eight political parties to produce this document. It represents the best and the most balanced judgment of what is politically feasible. Powerful, intransigent elements in Northern Ireland are opposed to the document, especially the Democratic Unionist Party led by the Rev Ian Paisley. They have campaigned aggressively for a No vote and have sought to harness moderate unionist opinion to their cause. In that regard, it should be remembered that some of these same elements flirted with paramilitarism in the past in their pursuit of political advantage. More importantly, they have no alternative to offer to the present agreement.
It would be wrong to suggest the early release of prisoners is the only reason unionists have difficulty with this document. Last week's Irish Times/MRBI opinion poll identified arms decommissioning; a fear the agreement might represent the beginning of a move towards a united Ireland; along with a distrust of and a reluctance to share power with Sinn Fein, as areas of major concern. But these are matters on which assurances can be - and already have been - given by the two Governments. The agreement also reflects a shift in the balance of power within Northern Ireland in order to accommodate nationalists. But that was necessary to secure changes in Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution; the replacement of the Anglo/Irish Agreement and a guarantee that the status of Northern Ireland would not change without the consent of a majority. There are many people in positions of influence within the Protestant community who believe this agreement offers Northern Ireland its best prospect in decades. But they feel constrained in calling for a Yes vote by divisions within their community and by the rules and practices of their organisations and churches. Last week, for example, the Church of Ireland Synod invited its members to pray and reflect before voting in the referendum, while providing no direction in that regard. But the fact that not a single contributor at the Synod advocated a No vote was a vital indication of the Church's informal position.
In the same way, the Confederation of British Industry in Northern Ireland and the Northern Ireland Tourist Board have emphasised the economic benefits of peace while remaining aloof from the political campaign. Perhaps civic and religious leaders could, at this stage, find mechanisms to express their personal views on a document that promises moderation, compromise and peace ?