The Government's decision to open negotiations with Sweden and other states on Ireland's participation in the European Union's new rapid response battlegroups is significant and welcome. These will combine highly trained forces from several EU states with air and naval support and will be deployed within days after being called on to stop a situation spiralling out of control or to prepare the way for a larger United Nations force.
The military doctrine on which they are based has evolved over recent years in response to security challenges after the end of the Cold War. The EU's planning for them is regarded as a contribution to collective security in these new circumstances.
Ireland's involvement in such operations will be on a voluntary case-by-case basis and will be mandated by the "triple lock" of UN, Government and Dáil approval. Minister for Defence Willie O'Dea insisted yesterday that the decision has nothing to do with the creation of a European army in which Ireland would be participating against its will - notwithstanding the military terminology involved. Rather does it fulfil this State's long-standing commitment and obligation to make armed forces, assistance and facilities available to the UN Security Council. He pointed out quite legitimately that the EU's plans have been welcomed by UN secretary general Kofi Annan as a key contribution to international security - all the more so since its member states refused to approve stand- alone UN forces several years ago.
In his speech introducing legislation enabling Ireland to join the UN in 1946 the then taoiseach Eamon de Valera clearly recognised the commitment overrides Ireland's neutrality and sovereignty. That recognition stands 60 years later, as does the legal basis of our neutrality policy. It is not in the Constitution and has been applied pragmatically by successive governments, including within the EU's growing defence framework. It is defined minimalistically by the Government as non-participation in military alliances. Sweden, with whose defence forces we will now explore co-operation, shares many of these values and has substantial experience of UN service with Ireland, most recently in Liberia. This should make for a fruitful partnership if the battlegroups involving the two states go ahead. Politically, both states have an interest in ensuring the EU military capacity is used only within the UN's legal framework.
The Government has decided to introduce legislation enabling the Defence Forces to go on overseas training and to bring its coverage of Security Council resolutions on peace support operations up to date, to facilitate the new involvement.
This will give an opportunity for the overall policy to be debated thoroughly. Such an airing is badly needed, since there are many mistaken, badly informed or distorted accounts of what the EU's defence policies mean for Ireland. Mr O'Dea is right to say that, considered overall, they continue and reinforce this State's long-standing policy of full support for the UN.