Mr Tony Blair's government has got off to a good start as MPs leave for their summer holidays following an eventful and exceptionally busy first parliamentary term. It is perhaps as well for him, however, that the picture is not altogether without political tension, given that complacency and arrogance can so easily follow on from apparently effortless achievement and political popularity. His party failed to win the Uxbridge by-election despite Mr Blair's involvement in the campaign, there is the first evidence of principled criticism of New Labour policies within its ranks and there are several difficult economic choices on the horizon. This is no more than normal political turbulence, but it puts a more human look on a government that has had a remarkably sustained honeymoon period with the electorate, according to the opinion polls.
It was undoubtedly sustained in good part by the spanking pace with which Mr Blair's government set about introducing its programme of reforms over the first three months in office. The most noteworthy initiatives have been broadly in the constitutional domain, encompassing devolution for Scotland and Wales, the provision for an elected mayor in London and the setting up of a joint constitutional committee with the Liberal Democrats to examine electoral reform. The related repositioning of Britain's policies and interests within the European Union has so far been skilfully executed, although the most important decision, concerning what precise policy to take on economic and monetary union, has still to be made. On Northern Ireland, Mr Blair and his ministers have demonstrated a firmness of resolve that has made a real difference to the peace process. Mr Gordon Brown's budget put many other New Labour policies in place, including welfare to work programmes, educational and health reforms.
The general policy profile has therefore been put in place, according to the party's campaign undertakings. Significantly, it has begun to attract criticism from several important elements within the party's political constellation. Mr Roy Hattersley and Mr Tony Benn have joined forces from the older moderate and more radical left-wing currents to criticise it for being insufficiently egalitarian on education. Several trade union leaders have joined forces in criticism of plans to decouple unions from party decision-making structures. There have been murmurings of dissent from ministers who say Mr Blair is overly attached to governing through cabinet committees and ministerial deals rather than through the cabinet as a whole.
So far as he is concerned, all this underlines the need to pursue the New Labour agenda to its conclusion. As more difficult choices loom in the autumn, a greater air of normality may return to British politics. Understandably, the Conservative leader, Mr William Hague, is claiming the Uxbridge victory as the beginning of a comeback by his party. Pressure for higher interest rates to head off inflationary effects of the consumer boom and the artificial strength of sterling will bring into focus the central question of what to do about the single European currency, as Britain prepares to assume the EU presidency next year. These issues will demand a resolute and clear approach which will begin to put the Labour government to a more profound test, along with its demanding constitutional agenda.