President Bush laid out an ambitious, activist political and legislative programme in this week's State of the Union address. Less visionary than his earlier Inaugural address on issues of world freedom and security, and less combative than in 2002, it contains a coded message that such evangelism will be tempered by realism, uplifted this week by a favourable outcome in the Iraqi elections.
There is a lot more detail on domestic policy, which will clearly absorb much more of his political energy in the next four years. His plans to overhaul the US Social Security system by privatising part of its funding will have a major impact on citizens if he is able to gain congressional approval. The message is that he is determined to achieve it despite deep partisan disagreement and his narrow mandate for such radical change.
Mr Bush resists any timetable for US withdrawal from Iraq, saying this will depend on the readiness of Iraqi forces to take over. He continued his warnings on Iran's emergence as a potential nuclear power and a source of terrorism in the Middle East, with harsh words for Syria's rulers as well. North Korea did not figure as prominently as before. Both there and in Iran, Iraq and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Mr Bush realises he must work more closely with allies; the theme will be prominent in his visit to Europe this month. If he is to get support he must demonstrate a willingness to work in partnership and to listen to those who have a different approach. Foreign policy success in his second term will depend greatly on this, since Mr Bush is unprecedentedly unpopular in Europe compared to recent US presidents.
He was upbeat about the US economy and did not mention the falling dollar, which is troubling other major economic blocs and interests. Strong growth and flexible innovation, he says, will underwrite the US as the world's leading economy. He pledged to halve US budget deficits by 2009, indicating that 150 federal programmes will be reduced or eliminated to achieve that. This will involve bitter confrontations with Democrats and some in his own party. Capital spent in that battle could affect his capacity to deliver real change in the Social Security system. It was put in place during the New Deal and bolstered by Lyndon Johnson's Great Society programme in the 1960s and is a central feature of retirement planning for many millions of Americans.
Mr Bush justifies his plans to substitute individual investment accounts for state savings by saying the system will become bankrupt within 30 years if it is not reformed, since many more people are covered by it than heretofore and they are living longer. His opponents say this is a rationalisation to benefit Wall Street rather than ordinary Americans. Mr Bush described the system as a "symbol of trust between generations". The alternatives to his plan to cover future shortfalls are drastic tax increases, severe cuts in benefits or later retirement. He will need all his powers of persuasion to push this domestic reform package through.