Chance to sway defence policy in EU

A weekend decision by EU leaders forces Ireland to participate politicallyin a de facto common defence and security apparatus…

A weekend decision by EU leaders forces Ireland to participate politicallyin a de facto common defence and security apparatus, writes Tom Clonan

The decision reached by European leaders at the weekend to assert collective political control over all future EU military activity represents a major opportunity for Ireland.

The agreement forged at the European Inter-Governmental Council in Brussels will subordinate all future EU military developments to the direction and control of those member-states meeting in the Council of Ministers - irrespective of whether or not they participate in such developments. This in effect will force Ireland to participate politically in a de facto common European defence and security apparatus. This development comes as Ireland prepares to assume the presidency of the EU and at a time when internal and external security threats remain high on the agenda within Europe.

Despite its stated neutrality and perceived distance from international military affairs, the Republic has much to contribute to European defence and security. Insights gained from three decades of low intensity conflict on this island and five decades of international United Nations operations place Ireland in the unique position of being able to challenge and promote alternatives to the current US-dominated hegemony on international security.

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On internal security, the threat to Europe posed by attacks from within by Islamic fundamentalists and other vectors including drug and human trafficking will continue to confront the EU during Ireland's presidency. The low-key and sensitive approach to security adopted by the Irish during the Troubles might prove a useful template for preserving civil liberties and weathering the current security crisis within Europe's borders.

The security "dividend" provided by the security forces during 30 years of strife in Ireland ensured the possibility of foreign investment and economic growth within the State, and the birth of the much-vaunted Celtic Tiger. For these reasons, the Irish model for the provision of internal security ought to be particularly appealing to our European neighbours.

On external security, the experiences gained by Irish troops in peace enforcement and peace keeping operations as far afield as East Timor, Congo, the Balkans and the Middle East might prove useful in informing future EU or UN military deployments beyond Europe's borders. The unique "softly softly" approach adopted by Irish troops towards traumatised and often hostile populations overseas has proven to be of great benefit to many UN missions. Over the years, the credibility of Ireland's contributions at the UN in New York or on the European stage have rested in the main on the efforts of Irish soldiers who have served overseas in recent decades.

Ireland's continued credibility as a contributor to the formulation of international and European defence and security policy depends on our continued ability to send troops on international missions. This ability is being threatened by a number of factors. Firstly, the "triple lock" mechanism of UN mandate, government and Dáil approval for all overseas missions precludes Ireland's participation in many worthy missions abroad. For example, a senior Irish officer - selected from amongst the most able general staffs in Europe - recently had to forgo command of the current EU mission to Macedonia because of this restrictive device. The International Peace Missions Bill 2003, published by Fine Gael on Friday, in proposing to drop the requirement for a formal UN resolution for Irish involvement in such missions - providing the missions are UN-approved - would prove a useful remedy to this anomalous situation.

A further factor that may militate against the ongoing involvement of Irish troops serving abroad is financial cost. The proposed Defence Forces UN deployment to Liberia, consisting of approximately 450 men and women - depending on the operational and logistical effort required - may well cost between €40 million and €50 million a year. In pay and allowances alone, the current deployment of 250 Irish troops to Kosovo is costing approximately €14 million annually.

While this may seem like a lot of money at a time of shrinking budgets and falling revenues, in terms of value for money it represents a valuable investment for Ireland as it prepares to assume the presidency of the EU. At a time of flux and uncertainty in the international security environment, and at a time when changes in the EU will allow Ireland to show leadership in these matters, it behoves the Government to continue to support our involvement in overseas missions. It is perhaps in this way that Ireland can best express her neutrality and bring a positive influence to bear on international affairs.

Dr Tom Clonan is a retired Army officer with experience in the Middle East and former Yugoslavia. He is a fellow of the US-based Inter University Seminar on Armed Forces and Society. He currently lectures in the School of Media, DIT.