The Scottish Parliament and the Welsh Assembly were sworn in yesterday in ceremonies that formally institutionalised devolution as a principle of British political life. Now that the results of last week's elections have been absorbed, public attention has focussed on the mechanics of forming executives and the political bargains necessary to sustain them.
The very facts of the expected coalition between Labour and the Liberal Democrats in Scotland and a minority Labour executive supported by them in Wales, underline how proportional representation has altered the political process. So do the political trade-offs required to bring the new executives about. It is now sinking in that these outcomes cannot be confined to the devolved regions. Mr Tony Blair has yet to decide on whether to adopt PR and when to hold a referendum on the matter. But on his decision hangs a crucial determinant of the British political system in years to come.
Labour performed relatively strongly in Scotland, but not sufficiently well to command an overall majority. An expected agreement with the Liberal Democrats would secure it a clear four-year term in office. But it will come at a price, probably by extending proportional representation to local elections and reaching a complicated agreement on getting rid of fees for higher education. Neither will please Labour activists in England, keen to preserve their dominance in many towns and cities - nor New Labour purists anxious to maintain a unitary policy regime throughout the UK on such core issues as education and health. Whether devolution applies within political parties as well as territorial regions, is set to become a sharp and disputed issue.
The Scottish National Party secured a respectable first preference vote and did well on transfers. This will allow it to form a solid opposition, which many observers suspect was its most favoured scenario going into the election. The most that can be said at this stage about the demand for independence, is that it does not yet command the support of majority opinion in Scotland. A great deal will depend on how devolution beds down between a London government still wedded to centralised control and the new institutions dedicated to more differentiation and autonomy. The educational fees issue perfectly illustrates what will be involved. The SNP will have many opportunities to exploit such tensions, not least as they affect relations with the European Union.
In Wales, Labour had to contend with a powerful surge in support for Plaid Cymru. The nationalists gained from arguments between centralising and devolving currents within Labour, which promise to be an abiding feature of the new politics. The new Welsh First Minister, Mr Alun Michael, is indelibly associated with London control, despite his commitment to make devolution work. His decision to exclude the former Welsh Secretary, Mr Ron Davies, from his executive announced yesterday, will ensure these arguments continue. Wales starts from a less developed base compared to Scotland, a gap which its politicians will be keen to close. Here too, there will be many opportunities for the nationalists to exploit such tensions.