Difficult choices in giving Irish aid to Africa

We have concerns about some African governments, but working with them is the only way to ensure that progress from our aid can…

We have concerns about some African governments, but working with them is the only way to ensure that progress from our aid can be sustained, writes Conor Lenihan

Next year the Government will spend €675 million on overseas aid. The bulk of this money will be spent in Africa, through a variety of channels including Irish and international non-governmental organisations, UN agencies and the governments of our partner countries.

There has been recent criticism of some of these governments and of our engagement with them.

It is important to set the record straight on what we are doing and how we do it.

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It is not the responsibility of this Government to defend the actions of any other government, in Africa or elsewhere.

It is, however, our responsibility to ensure that taxpayers' money is well spent, reduces poverty and is fully accountable.

In the aid programme, we are trying to deliver assistance to people in some of the most difficult operating environments in the world. This presents huge challenges. Those challenges underline the reasons we are working in those countries in the first place.

The aid world is jargon-heavy, and sometimes we make it difficult for ourselves to explain what we do. In summary, we work with partner governments in three main ways.

We provide assistance to regions and local authority areas, addressing a wide range of needs such as basic health, education and providing clean water in these areas.

We provide assistance to particular government departments, for example, the ministry of health in Mozambique.

Finally, we provide direct assistance to governments' budgets in some countries to help support comprehensive, planned economic and social development in these countries. With this approach, called "general budget support", we work with other donors and with the partner government to set priorities and determine how this money can best be used for poverty reduction.

There are problems and risks with all these approaches, as there are in the delivery of aid of any type, but working with government systems is the only way to ensure that progress made can be sustained in the long term.

Being a significant donor means that Ireland can get a seat at the table in the planning process, with key government and donor partners. Ours is one voice of many but, not least because of the story of our own economic success, Ireland has a lot to say and we say it, clearly and frankly.

There have been calls from some quarters for the money we give to governments to be redirected to development charities and other non-governmental organisations. NGOs play a vital role, and will continue to do so. This year the Department of Foreign Affairs will channel more than €100 million in assistance through Irish and international NGOs, the highest amount in the history of the programme. For example, three of our key NGO partners - Concern, Goal and Trócaire - will, between them, receive more than €50 million from the Government this year.

NGOs are doing marvellous work in the developing world, but neither NGOs nor donors can ever replace governments. Building a strong education system is better than building a single school. Building a strong health system is better than building a single clinic. That can only be done by working with governments.

Paradoxically, the ultimate aim of our aid programme is to make ourselves redundant.

Eventually, we would like to move on from the countries where we are engaged. That is our objective.

It might take a long time, but we are trying to create a situation where our assistance is not needed.

Ultimately, we want to equip governments to provide the services and supports demanded and needed by their citizens.

In addition to working to build better health and better education systems, we also provide direct support to strengthen the checks and balances necessary in any democracy, such as public sector reform, improved legal systems and greater transparency and accountability. For example, in Lesotho we provide financial support to the office of the ombudsman and in Mozambique we support government-led and NGO anti-corruption activities.

In this way, over time, we will help ensure that the institutions of government are stronger than any individual or party.

Some of the countries in which we work still have some way to go in all of these areas. That there are continuing problems with governance, with corruption and, in some cases, with human rights, is a sign that our assistance is needed.

To pack up and leave every time we encounter problems is not a realistic option. To do so would, in effect, be to abandon our responsibilities. These problems are symptomatic of the underdevelopment we are trying to address.

That does not mean that we will not react to events and take action when necessary. Earlier this year, in consultation with my senior colleague, Dermot Ahern, I took the decision to reduce Ireland's budget support in Uganda by €3 million.

This cut was not a sign that our money was being misused, but a signal of our concern about the pace of democratic reform and the transition to a multiparty system in Uganda. Other donors have made similar cuts.

The passing of a referendum in that country in July to pave the way for multiparty politics was a positive sign. However, my concern about the situation in Uganda is growing again, with the recent arrest of the opposition leader Kizza Besigye.

The transition to a pluralist democratic system is essential to the future of Uganda. The Ugandan government must act to reassure their own people, donors and the wider international community that this transition is not shuddering to a halt. They must ensure a fair, speedy and transparent trial for Dr Besigye and the other accused.

The decision to cut €3 million in budget support was not taken lightly. Ireland is not a donor which engages and disengages lightly. All governments need to be able to plan their spending, and we want to provide assistance with the predictability necessary to make it most effective.

However, sometimes hard decisions have to be taken. And we will not hesitate to take them again, if necessary.

Uganda is not the only country where there are problems. I have conveyed my deep concern to the Ethiopian authorities about the events following the May general election. I will condemn human rights abuses wherever they occur, and if they continue and further action is called for, I will take that action.

We are in the developing world for the long haul; we will not abandon those most in need at the first sign of difficulty. A genuine partnership, however, places obligations on both sides.

I firmly believe that working with and strengthening the institutions of government in developing countries is absolutely necessary for their development.

Outside actors such as donors and NGOs cannot, and should not, supplant national governments.

Some 31 years of experience of the Irish aid programme has taught us that there will be no development without local ownership.

We have encountered problems and we will encounter problems again. However, we will stay the course. We have the controls in place to ensure that Irish taxpayers' money is not misspent, and our engagement gives us a voice that we would otherwise not have.

Uganda ranks 117th on Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index. It also ranks 144th on the UN Human Development Index, making it one of the poorest countries in the world. The first statistic tells us it is hard to work there. The second underlines just how important it is that we do.

Conor Lenihan is Minister of State for Development Co-operation and Human Rights