Europe should not legitimise a nasty regime, write John Boorman and Peter McDonagh
At the end of this week European Union leaders will meet their Asian counterparts in Hanoi at the biennial Asia Europe Meeting (ASEM). A fundamental test of the credibility of the EU's oft-stated commitment to supporting human rights and democracy is at stake - the participation of Burma in that meeting. If allowed, it will mark the failure of the EU to undertake substantive actions against a cruel and oppressive military dictatorship.
Most people in Ireland know little about Burma other than the name of Aung San Suu Kyi, whose extraordinarily courageous leadership of the Burmese democracy movement led to her being awarded the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize. Today she remains under house arrest and she and the Burmese people are suffering under one of the nastiest regimes in recent history.
Apart from the systematic harassment and imprisonment of pro-democracy activists, the regime is responsible for extrajudicial killings, forced labour, and the use of rape as a political weapon. In an army of 450,000 there are 70,000 child soldiers. While the people live in extreme poverty, over 50 per cent of the state budget is spent on defence and intelligence. And Burma is one of the biggest exporters of heroin in the world.
The people have made very clear that they want democracy. Despite serious intimidation, they voted overwhelmingly for Aung and her National League for Democracy (NLD) in elections in 1990, which were ignored by the regime. Over subsequent years of repression, they have remained true to this choice each time they have had the opportunity to demonstrate it.
A regime such as this should be an international pariah, with democratic countries refusing to have anything to do with it. Unfortunately the reality is quite different.
Certain south-east Asian nations have, for the most shameful reasons, been seeking to use the ASEM summit to force European nations to engage with the Burmese regime. Specifically, they have said that they would block attendance by 10 new EU members if Burma was also kept away, a demand which rightly caused consternation in the EU.
External Relations Commissioner Mr Chris Patten responded forcefully that the regime is presiding over a "calamitous" deterioration in the life of Burma's already impoverished people and has failed to deliver on any promise of reform.
After much debate, agreement was reached under the Irish presidency that the EU would not agree to the attendance of Burma at the summit unless three basic conditions were met: that Aung and other NLD leaders be freed; that the NLD be allowed to freely participate in a national convention proposed by the regime; that the convention allow real democratic participation and have a deadline for action. There has been absolutely no progress on any of these points.
Aung and the NLD have also been very clear that they want serious external pressure put on the regime.
But early last month the European Council revisited the issue. Although all agreed there had been no progress, and with the British and the Czechs opposing any backtracking, concern for French and German business interests and the desire not to abandon the summit led to a complete capitulation, with the EU accepting Burma's participation.
The council's fig-leaf was the introduction of a new deadline - October 8th - for the three demands and a call on the Commission to propose new measures against the regime. These might include an extended travel ban on senior military officers, a ban on investment in state-owned companies, and the vetoing of loans from international institutions to Burma. The Council also said that it will use the summit to confront Burma with its concerns on human rights.
Friday's deadline represents a moment of truth for the EU. There can be no more hiding behind lofty resolutions. Either it acts, or it will be complicit in a plan to legitimise a regime which, as Vaclav Havel wrote recently, would shame the world.
The EU has at other times been willing to take strong actions against repressive governments. The flourishing democracies of South Africa and East Timor are testament to the fact the tough measures can force real change. Now the EU must do the same on Burma.
John Boorman, the film director, is president of Burma Action Ireland. Peter McDonagh served as special adviser to the Taoiseach 2000-2002