Fianna Fáil leader Micheál Martin may have backed himself into a corner following his extraordinary reaction to the reports on possible continuing links between Sinn Féin and the IRA.
If Stephen Collins is right, writing in this paper last Saturday, the fallout from these reports may make it very difficult for parties to form a coalition government with Sinn Féin after next spring’s general election.
Such a scenario can only benefit Fine Gael, which is the party least likely to be affected or even interested in such an arrangement. But it will impact greatly on Fianna Fáil.
Barring a miracle, which so far has not been indicated by the opinion polls, Fianna Fáil will have to coalesce with another party or parties if it is to have any chance of returning to government next year.
While nothing can ever be ruled out in politics, Micheál Martin’s vitriolic attacks on Sinn Féin in the Dáil and in media interviews, will have greatly soured the already tense relations between the two parties to the point where any coalition will be impossible.
There is also a tactical consideration. In the coming election, Fianna Fáil candidates will find themselves relying on transfers from Sinn Féin in many constituencies. Martin’s remarks have now made this more difficult.
It is hard to feel any sympathy for the Fianna Fáil leader. His attacks on Sinn Féin smack of opportunism and desperation. They also reveal a woeful ignorance of his own party’s early history.
All the leading lights who gathered with Eamon de Valera in the La Scala theatre in Dublin in 1927 to found Fianna Fáil were major figures in the IRA and in many parts of the country the two organisations were practically the same thing.
One of de Valera’s main lieutenants, Frank Aiken, was the chief of staff of the IRA and four years earlier had given the order to dump arms, thus bringing the bitter Civil War to an end. He later became minister for defence.
Revolvers in pockets
Seán Lemass, another IRA stalwart and future taoiseach, stated at the time that Fianna Fáil was only a “slightly constitutional” party. There are even reports that when the newly-elected Fianna Fáil deputies turned up in the Dáil in 1927 to take their seats, some of them carried revolvers in their pockets in case they were prevented from entering.
One can only hope that the unnamed member of the IRA Army Council, reportedly seen in the precincts of Leinster House recently, was not similarly tooled up.
While none of the above suggests that Fianna Fáil was ever controlled by the IRA, similarly, there is no evidence that the IRA controls Sinn Féin today.
While it is disappointing that paramilitary structures continue to exist so long after the signing of the Good Friday agreement, it should be remembered that the conflict lasted for 30 years. This is five times longer than the second World War and almost 10 times longer than the War of Independence and the Civil War together.
Terrible atrocities were committed by all parties, which have left a legacy of bitterness and distrust, and it is clear that these wounds have not yet healed.
There is a further point to be made. Micheál Martin’s attack on the legitimacy of Sinn Féin is a slur on the thousands of people who have supported the party at the ballot box in both the Republic and Northern Ireland.
Second-class parliament?
And what does it say about the status of the Stormont Assembly, where Sinn Féin shares power with the DUP? Is he really suggesting that Stormont is a second-class parliament where it is alright for Sinn Féin to be in government, while the corridors of Government Buildings in Dublin are barred to them? Has he conveyed this opinion to Peter Robinson?
It is a pity that Micheál Martin did not pause to think before he spoke. His remarks clearly reveal that he is rattled by the advances Sinn Féin is making on the Fianna Fáil base. And he is right to be worried. Whole swathes of voters throughout the country have already gone over to Sinn Féin and more are expected.
Martin is getting very bad advice from someone. His faux indignation can be clearly see for what it is – electioneering. And there is evidence that voters react badly to negative campaigning.
It would be much better for him to lay out his party’s programme and try to convince the electorate that a Fianna Fáil government would be in their best interests.
Street fighting doesn’t suit him.