JOHN SHARKEY,
Sir, - The number of first-preference votes cast for any political party must be a very good indicator of the electoral support for that party's manifesto.
It would appear from your election supplement of May 20th that while the PDs performed well in the number of Dáil seats secured, the party's share of the first-preference vote was only 3.96 per cent - a drop of of 0.72 per cent on its 1997 share.
In the negotiations for Government, nobody could argue that such a small vote represents an electoral mandate for the adoption of the privatisation policies unique to the PDs. Or is it that, once the election is over, our elaborate and wonderfully democratic system of proportional representation is put to one side while our future governance is determined in a poker game between the parties? - Yours, etc.
JOHN SHARKEY,
Butterfield Park,
Rathfarnham,
Dublin 16.
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Sir, - In the wake of Fine Gael's dismal election results it is imperative that the organisation shows a strategic and tactical awareness of where it is and where it is going.
Fine Gael remains the second largest party in the State and any future alternative government to Fianna Fáil will be built around it. Fine Gael is essentially a conservative party with a small c. Its membership and its natural vote base reflect this reality. Attempts by the left to subsume or consume it will not succeed because the Irish electorate has shown itself to be essentially pragmatic. Throughout the history of this State, Irish voters have shown their dislike of the European ideological class chasms opened by the traditional dichotomy of left and right. Irish politics has been well served by approximating more closely to the US model than the European one.
The task facing Fine Gael now is to consolidate its own electoral base and expand upwards and outwards so it can be in a position of strength to form the next coalition government in or before 2007. To achieve this Fine Gael must realign itself as a centralist conservative party to reflect the realities of the Irish electorate and the external constraints facing a small, open, European island economy.
But this conservatism must be tactically creative. Fine Gael should not hide behind the bushes of Christian Democracy, but equally, it should not lose its identity in the long grass of social democracy. What is required is an open and ongoing conversation between these two historical traditions within the party. Party tactics must be flexible and reflect changing circumstances. They cannot be dictated by ideological considerations alone.
For example, circumstances in the last election dictated that Fine Gael should have appealed to its prudent instincts as the state of public finances deteriorated. Its conversion on this issue was too late - and lacked credibility given its previous promises. The PDs (read Michael McDowell) pinpointed and exploited this weakness.
Our internal circumstances will continue to be constrained by European and global forces. This leaves less room for manoeuvre domestically, but it has the merit of focusing minds. Domestic competitive reforms must tackle the monopolistic behaviour of certain interests groups. Taxation must remain the central weapon to be used in the battle against inter-generational poverty, disadvantage and environmental degradation. But it must be taxation with trust.
Politicians are no longer trusted with money. Fine Gael must regain the people's trust through greater transparency. Welcome steps have been made in this direction and they must continue. But most importantly, Fine Gael must contest the mantra that taxes should go down and it should carry this battle from two flanks: pragmatic, liberal economic Keynesian grounds and purposeful Rawlsian principles of redistribution.
In terms of the wider European debate, the Irish are sceptical, not only because of the democratic deficit in Europe but more because of a sense of erosion (real or imagined) of values such as neutrality and the unique Irish identity. Fine Gael traditionally has been the party of Europe. Ireland's national interest continues to lie in a wider and more politically and economically vibrant European Union. But in communicating this message, Fine Gael must move away from passionate, grand constitutional designs for Europe and listen to the particular concerns of the Irish electorate.
Circumstances have also changed the social mores of the Irish people. The liberal crusade pursued by Fine Gael in the 1980s has been completed, imperfectly. The logical consequence is that Fine Gael must take up its liberal anchor and continue to move away from the rights-based liberal agenda of the past two decades to reaffirm responsibilities, social purpose and the value of community as the new anchors of Irish society. This reaffirmation should start from the family as the basic building block of society and work its way up to be reflected in the tax code.
But this creative conservatism should not and cannot be an exclusionary agenda. A just society has a collective duty of care towards the vulnerable and marginalised. In the specific cases of refugees and Travellers this cannot be a case of the rich having rights and the poor duties. I cannot think of an attitude that is more uncaring and unChristian.
Fine Gael must also stop preaching from high moral pulpits, stop castigating others for its own poor performance, stop blaming others for poor ethics in Irish politics, and stop waiting for some Messiah-like leader to lead it into the promised electoral land. For a start, before it unleashes verbal barrages on others it would do well to reflect on its own past mistakes. A bit of humility and honesty about these mistakes would be refreshing.
Finally on the question of the identity of its next leader, Fine Gael should learn from Fianna Fáil. Bertie Ahern's greatest political asset is his ordinariness. He is a people's person and I mean that in the most positive sense. Whether we like it or not the personal is political. This may indeed be superficial, but it's a fact of late modern political life. Fine Gael needs a general to connect not only with Fine Gael foot-soldiers, but also with the wider electoral audience.- Yours, etc.,
DAVID DOYLE,
Toa Payoh Lor,
Singapore.
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A chara, - Mrs Vivienne Flinn (May 23rd) wondered if "anyone else objected to the way Sinn Féin threw our national flag around each time they won a seat".
As Irish citizens, and as members of the only all-Ireland party with a mandate to represent all of the inhabitants of this island, whether in Dublin or Tyrone, Sinn Féin members are entitled to wave the national flag in a celebratory manner. The Tricolour represents the aspirations of Sinn Féin members the length and breadth of this island - aspirations of peace and reconciliation between the two major traditions on this island, and of a free and independent country based on equality and understanding.
We are not claiming the national flag as the sole property of republicans, and have never attempted to. To do so would be a betrayal of our adherence to our democratic republican ideals.
We wave our national flag, not to insult, but with pride in our achievements as a party in helping to advance peace, equality and freedom on this island. - Is mise,
CRÍOSTÓIR Ó RÁLAIGH,
National PRO,
Ógra Shinn Féin,
Cearnóg Parnell,
Baile Átha Cliath 1.