Debate on the legacy of 1916

Madam, - Any contribution from President Mary McAleese that starts a national debate should always be taken seriously, but the…

Madam, - Any contribution from President Mary McAleese that starts a national debate should always be taken seriously, but the space given to the discussion and analysis of the President's disappointing speech unfortunately obscures the need for a really urgent debate on the Taoiseach's decision to bring back the Easter military parade. The heart of this problem is the question of our official attitude to the so-called "physical force tradition".

In 1916 Ireland was brought to a fateful fork on the road by a small secret committee of the IRB: a turning away from constitutional nationalism in favour of the other road, physical force republicanism. Physical force, as in the defence of our democracy by the Free State Army in the Civil War, or of our neutrality in the second World War, has its place; but at the behest of this secret committee in 1916 it was used to advance a criminal conspiracy that included the murder of unarmed policemen and by 1921 of isolated Protestant farmers in Cork. Its tragic futility became clear in a century of blood with names like Enniskillen and Omagh ringing like funeral bells.

The Irish people did not want physical force action in 1916. Even by 1919 the majority of Sinn Féin members in the Dáil, the Volunteers or even the IRB did not want it, as Peter Hart illustrates in his book on Michael Collins, Mick. A small number of local warlords manipulated the situation, as in the deliberate provocation of Soloheadbeg. This admission demands political maturity. But, as we were taught by men like Fr Fergal O'Connor in UCD of 40 years ago, it is the duty of every generation to question its inherited concepts in political philosophy.

Kevin Myers bravely attempts to penetrate our mythopoeic folklore, inserting ideas in conformity with the world of reality. But our emotional attachment to the "nobility of the 1916 martyrs", their pure beauty of vision and military brilliance, as absorbed from school, pulpit and political platform, need not be called into question, if left safely in our national toy box. If we really need to commemorate, bearing in mind Pearse's close personal identification with the Easter sacrifice of Christ, perhaps a Mass and an ecumenical service of remembrance would be appropriate?

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Will the Taoiseach now please explain to the people of Ireland why he has decided to endorse once again the so-called "physical force tradition" by revival of the Easter military parade? It is to motivate another generation of idealistic youth, as some of the IRA were, to start planning again to terrorise our grandchildren? He should not be afraid that Sinn Féin will claim the "legacy" of physical force. It is a poisoned chalice.

However, practical, life-saving decisions have already been taken by successive governments and the "plain people of Ireland" to get back on the constitutional road and stay there. The Good Friday Agreement aims to give democratic expression to this desire. The final act will be the IRA acknowledging that the title "Oglaigh na hÉireann" was given to the Irish Army by the Irish people. The Army deserves a public day but if it can spare units from its heavy overseas commitments it could honour our patriot dead, Daniel O'Connell, Parnell or Redmond, or indeed the foundation of Dáil Éireann. This would acknowledge our constitutional nationalism and facilitate healing and reconciliation in accordance with the will of the people on that Good Friday. - Yours, etc,

PATRICK D GOGGIN, Glenageary Woods, Dún Laoghaire, Co Dublin.