Madam, - On page 161 of Frank Gallagher's book, The Indivisible Island (1957) there is an interesting comment attributed to Lord Craigavon, Northern Ireland's first prime minister. "At that time [ 1938]," Gallagher writes, "Craigavon admitted privately that partition could not last. 'In this island we cannot live always separated from one another. We are too small to be apart or for the border to be there for all time. The change will not come in my time but it will come.'"
It is now 35 years since the challenge was posed as to whether, in Northern Ireland, we had a leader with the charisma to lead anxious unionist people out of the laager into which they had been placed by partition. That they should join as equals with their neighbours to create a truly New Ireland seemed an objective worthy of their sturdy tradition.
In such context it seems appropriate to recall the statement made by King George V at the opening of the new Northern Ireland Parliament on June 22nd, 1922.
"I speak from a full heart when I pray that my coming to Ireland today may prove to be the first step towards an end of strife amongst her peoples, whatever their race or creed. In that hope I appeal to all Irishmen to pause, to stretch out the hand of forbearance and conciliation, to forgive and forget and to join in making for the land which they love a new era of peace, contentment and goodwill."
So what might be the fate of latter-day unionists in a new Ireland? Those who have studied the Constitution of the Irish Republic will be aware of the challenging statement in Article 15:1.3: "The Houses of the Oireachtas shall sit in or near the city of Dublin or in such other place [ my emphasis] as they may from time to time determine." Article 15.2.2 states: "Provision may be made by law for the creation or recognition of subordinate legislatures and for the powers and functions of these legislatures."
During any negotiations to devise an entirely new Irish Constitution to which all might give their allegiance, Article 15 of the current Irish constitution could provide the precedent which would promote the degree of autonomy deemed necessary for Ulster within a federal New Ireland, firstly for the specific requirements during a transition period and subsequently as a reflection of the determination to build a decentralised society.
Since civil conflict broke out in the late 1960s, many changes have been made to the Irish Constitution. In part these were driven by a desire to reassure the citizens of Northern Ireland who were born into the Protestant or Unionist tradition that a new Ireland would not be the old one in disguise. Indeed, we could not gainsay that the people of the Republic of Ireland, albeit belatedly, have responded with consideration and generosity to many of the fears and concerns of the people of Northern Ireland.
It is surely now appropriate for us to transcend the petty political point-scoring which holds up our progress as a people so that we may work out a modus vivendi by which we may find common loyalty for living together.
May our Northern politicians agree to form a government before the "ides" of November and may the unionist people promote leadership which will enable a truly New Ireland to come into being. - Yours, etc,
JOHN ROBB, Consensor, New Ireland Group, Hopefield Avenue, Portrush, Co Antrim.