Sir, - Please permit me to refer to the letters (June 7th) from Colm O Cuanachain, Richard O'Brien, and Dorene Groocock of Amnesty International. The authors' hypothesis failed to prove the reasons behind the socalled Nigerian refugee influx to Ireland. The authors' references to the cases of Ken SaroWiwa and convicted coupists only served to support a group of people who apparently exploit any situation for selfish reasons.
Contrary to the authors' imagination, Ken SaroWiwa was tried, convicted and executed for his role in the murder of four Ogoni Chiefs: Mr A.T. Badey, Chief E. Kobani, Chief S.N. Orage, and Chief T. Orage, whose families, in spite of being the principal victims of the brutal killings, continue to stay in Nigeria and even open to reconciliation with other members of the community.
The Special Tribunal which tried Ken Saro Wiwa was not without precedents. Nor is death penalty, as a punishment, peculiar to Nigerian legal system alone. Given various international covenants, can Mr O Cuanachain tell the readers when capital punishment became an element in the violation of human rights? Can he and Mr Richard O'Brien tell the readers what has been agreed by the UN Commission on Human Rights as to what constitutes "human rights abuses"? Like other countries, Nigeria has its statute books which govern legal actions.
Regarding the visit of the UN fact finding team in April 1996, Mr O Cuanachain may perhaps like to know that it was at the initiative of the Federal Government of Nigeria. At the conclusion of the visit, the Federal Government was actually commended for its openness and transparency in inviting a neutral UN fact finding mission to Nigeria. While human rights abuse was not the issue, the government was, nevertheless, committed to the promotion of human rights by the establishment of a human rights commission, and embarked on amendment of the inherited laws which had been a source of controversy.
That a few Nigerians were detained for actions related to state offences cannot mean abuse of rights or a reign of terror warranting exodus of refugees from the country. I have had the opportunity to explain in the past that the Nigerian press is the freest in the world. In any country, no government would condone anarchy or for some few individuals to lake the laws into their hands without resort to the legal framework.
I must reiterate that the situation in the country does not warrant exodus of refugees to Ireland. The government has continued to do its best to build durable socioeconomic and political infrastructure. In encouraging peaceful coexistence, the government has established additional local governments and states to ensure no community is marginalised. Political activities have started with the recently concluded local government elections. Preparations for state, federal and presidential elections are in advanced stage. The climate of terror and repression can only be Colm O Cuanachain's imagination.
Such campaign of calumny against Nigeria notwithstanding, there will continue to be meaningful exchange of visits by citizens of Nigeria and Ireland based on mutual benefit and respect. We cannot allow the issue of self styled refugees and Colm O Cuanachain's imagination of Nigeria's situation hinder our age long cooperation in any sector.
In any case, the issue that remains is: who are the "Nigerian asylum seekers"? Have they acquired this new status as a result of the hypothesis of these authors?.
If so, I challenge Colm O Cuanachain and his collaborators to produce the list, for public scrutiny, so as to ascertain the individual claims which are related to the picture painted of Nigeria.
Yours, etc.,
Charge d'Affaires a.i.,
Embassy of Nigeria,
Dublin 6.