After two weeks of terrorist bombing outrages the reaction of Russia's government has been to meet force with force. In the absence of clear knowledge as to the precise provenance of the terror, Russian troops and aircraft have been directed to attack rebel bases inside the breakaway republic of Chechnya. The danger of a renewal of the conflict of 1995-1996 in Chechnya now looms large. Russia's prime minister, Mr Vladimir Putin, knows that like all Russian premiers his fate lies in the capricious hands of President Yeltsin. Mr Yeltsin has, since taking office in 1991, presided over Russia's progress from potential partner of western democracies to a state in which criminality has become a major force. From the lower officials right to the Kremlin itself corruption has become the rule rather than the exception.
The mass prostitution on Moscow's streets, the open demands for bribes by the police force, the plundering of the country's natural resources, the decay of the infrastructure, the pillage of personal savings; all were accepted by Russians in the hope that a better future might be round the corner. In the wake of the bombings views have altered. One thing Russians are reluctant to accept is the inability of their rulers to provide for the security of its citizens. Railing against Chechen bandits and threatening a military solution may work for Russia's political class in the short term especially in the emotional climate which has followed the bombings in Moscow and elsewhere.
Russians had previously heard talk of crushing the Chechens in short order, only to see their army defeated in a protracted conflict. Up to now most Chechens have not supported the rebels who have invaded Dagestan under the warlord Shamil Basayev. Military strikes inside Chechnya, while initially satisfying the emotional demands of many Russians, may also serve to unite Chechens against attack. Mr Putin is, therefore, pursuing a high-risk strategy. Under the surface distrust of Mr Yeltsin and his associates is growing apace. A former ally, the speaker of the upper house of parliament, Mr Yegor Stroyev, has obliquely called for the president to resign. Speculation about an imminent resignation has been sweeping Moscow political circles.
That Mr Yeltsin has not always been in control of the situation in Russia has been painfully obvious in recent years. It can be argued that Russia has now reached a stage at which it makes little difference whether Mr Yeltsin goes or stays. The character and the morality of the person who succeeds Mr Yeltsin, whether it be in the immediate future or after the presidential elections scheduled for next July, matters very much indeed. But the choices on offer to voters in the parliamentary elections in December and in the presidential poll next summer is less than inspiring.
Mr Putin carries the albatross of presidential support on his shoulders. The young economic "reformers" have been largely discredited. Former prime minister, Mr Yevgeny Primakov, offers short-term stability but little in terms of imaginative policy. After decades of oppression the people of Russia deserve politicians of a higher calibre than those currently in power.