It is good news that Israeli prime minister Ehud Olmert and Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas have appointed eight joint ministerial teams to examine Palestinian issues in a possible two-state settlement of their conflict.
These could form the basis for substantive talks before, at and beyond the November conference called by US president George Bush. But it must also be recognised that the current political weakness of the three men, together with the ambiguity of their respective mandates and support, definitely constrain any such prospect.
These talks have been strongly encouraged by Mr Bush to shore up Mr Abbas following the Hamas takeover of Gaza this summer and to catch up on his own neglect of the Israel-Palestine issue before he leaves office next year. Mr Abbas has decided to go along with the initiative in retaliation for Hamas's victory and following his dissolution of its coalition with his Fatah party. This exposes him to the charge of opportunism and takes from the legitimacy of the exercise, since Hamas has no part in it and won the last Palestinian elections fair and square.
Mr Olmert also wants to retrieve his reputation after it collapsed in the failed war against Lebanon last year, for which he is once again being blamed by an official inquiry. Many of his Kadima party colleagues suspect he will not be a firm enough negotiator and are afraid he would give away too much too soon to an adversary also incapable of delivering the Palestinian side on the core issues of Jerusalem, refugees and final borders. As a result there is tension about the precise objectives involved between Mr Abbas who wants a detailed framework and timetable for negotiations and Mr Olmert who prefers a looser commitment.
Other external players besides the United States will influence the outcome of this initiative. Arab states such as Egypt, Jordan and Saudi Arabia insist it must be well-prepared with a realistic chance of succeeding if yet another disillusioning breakdown is to be avoided. That would only benefit their own regional adversaries, among which Iran and radical Shia Islamic movements are most prominent. The international quartet, which brings the US together with the European Union, the United Nations and Russia, has a potentially important role to play in multilateralising the negotiations. To retain credibility this grouping should reconsider its boycott of Hamas and along with the Arab states encourage political talks between that movement and Fatah to better reflect Palestinian public opinion. Without Hamas involvement a durable agreement is not possible.