`We've a long way to go and some tough hurdles to cross. But we'll make it happen because that is what the people want." Mo Mowlam was in determinedly upbeat mood when she addressed the British Irish Inter-Parliamentary body in York on Tuesday. The sun was shining on the medieval city and the cobbled streets were vivid with hanging flower baskets. It was not difficult to share the general feeling of goodwill towards the Secretary of State and her pride in the progress that has already been made.
Again and again, she stressed this had been made possible only by the political determination of the people of Northern Ireland. It was a process which had taken years rather than months, and there would be no forgiving the politicians if they fell at the remaining fences.
Dr Mowlam remarked, with some surprise, on how much her own job was changing: "I spend a lot of time working out how power can be devolved to new departments." But the Northern Secretary also knows, nobody better, that before this can happen, the obstacle of decommissioning must be circumvented.,
David Trimble has now met Gerry Adams privately for a second time. This is obviously important, but there has not yet been time for the two men to establish sufficient mutual trust to deal with a problem as thorny as this one. That is why, once again, it is up to the two governments to use all the political skills at their disposal to create some space for both sides to manoeuvre. This process of careful choreography has already begun.
In York on Tuesday, Dr Mowlam emphasised that the "structures" provided for in the Belfast Agreement must be in place in shadow form by the end of October deadline. But she was careful not to specify that these structures would include the setting up of the executive itself.
Her remarks were designed to reassure the republican movement that the British government has no intention of pulling back from the text of the Belfast Agreement. Within hours of this speech, Bertie Ahern had made the same points. But the Taoiseach also added that it would be helpful, to put it mildly, if Sinn Fein would indicate some time-frame for the start of decommissioning.
We know the problems that beset both Gerry Adams and David Trimble. The text of the Belfast Agreement, which omits any provision for decommissioning prior to the setting up of an executive, favours Sinn Fein's case.
But the spirit of the accord, which requires all sides to make difficult decisions to create political space for their opponents, points towards the republican movement taking some step to help the Ulster Unionist leader.
Mr Trimble is in a desperately vulnerable situation. He needs to be able to demonstrate to the broad unionist community, as well as to the dissidents in his own party, that Sinn Fein is in the democratic process for the long haul.
It may be that the Taoiseach's suggestion of setting out a timetable for the destruction of weapons signals a way forward. Reports that discussions have already taken place on the modalities of decommissioning between Sinn Fein and General John de Chastelain are also hopeful. But, given the lack of confidence that still prevails in many republican areas, it is also important that Sinn Fein should be able to show its supporters that the agreement is working in a way that will deliver tangible results to them. In her speech to the Inter-Parliamentary Body at York, Mo Mowlam put much emphasis on the need for movement to be made on a number of fronts at once.
She referred to the work being done on policing, the administration of justice, the equality agenda, job creation and so on. But inevitably, progress on these issues will take a lot of time.
The most immediate and visible evidence of change, the outward sign of inward grace, comes with the simple fact of peace on the streets. Dr Mowlam referred to the reduction of military patrols in Belfast and south Derry.
In this context in Caoimhghin O Caolain, the Sinn Fein TD for Cavan-Monaghan, asked the Secretary of State when she hoped to be able to move towards "the demilitarisation of south Armagh" and, in particular, to reducing the number of British army airborne operations in the area. The Northern Ireland Secretary replied that such decisions, while desirable, had to depend on the degree of security risk which still exists.
At this point the chairman of the Inter-Parliamentary Body cut the discussion short, which was a pity. For this debate goes to the heart of the problems involved in decommissioning and in progress towards a stable peace.
On the one hand there is no doubt, as Caoimhghin O Caolain says, that people living in the Border area of south Armagh are still subjected to a high level of security activity and surveillance.
Even the most casual traveller through the area cannot but be aware of the presence of dozens of look-out posts and British army bases, and of the drone of helicopters. Local people claim that, far from scaling down this military presence, new fortifications have been built and security increased. Peace has brought no improvement to the quality of daily life.
The security authorities in the North reply that there are good reasons for this, related to "the level of threat". There is obvious opposition to the whole peace process in south Armagh. Those dissident republicans who favour a return to violence command support here. Any relaxation in security would give them the opportunity to regroup, move weapons into the area and so on.
This is a classic problem of conflict resolution and one which it should not be beyond the skills of the two governments to resolve. The issue has already been raised on several occasions in the Dail and with the British Prime Minister. There is a special need to build confidence in the peace process in those areas where there is scepticism that politics can bring results.
There has been official recognition that the Border areas, on both sides, have suffered from the effects of the long conflict in the North in terms of industry, investment and tourism. The European Union has allocated generous funds to try to remedy this.
But the first thing that people need is to be able to believe that peace can make a real difference to their daily lives.
The most effective way of achieving this is to remove the trappings of an unwanted military presence from the streets. If it can be done in Belfast and Derry, it should be possible to extend the process of demilitarisation to south Armagh. It might even help to move the whole decommissioning process forward.