Report a nightmare account of a 'serial killer'

Special branch worked hand-in-glove with UVF in north Belfast, writes Gerry Moriarty , Northern Editor

Special branch worked hand-in-glove with UVF in north Belfast, writes Gerry Moriarty, Northern Editor

Pity the families of the 10 named murder victims of Mark Haddock and his Ulster Volunteer Force cronies reading Police Ombudsman Nuala O'Loan's report into how many elements in RUC special branch worked hand in glove with the UVF in north Belfast, not to mention the relatives of the other five people Haddock and his gang are also suspected of killing.

In 2002 on his retirement as RUC chief constable Sir Ronnie Flanagan was asked by The Irish Times were there any memories from his policing career that prevented him sleeping. The question was asked in the context of his quitting as overall police chief and having twice served as head of RUC special branch, and all the clandestine business that that entailed.

"Personally, having come through all of that I am satisfied that what we did was responsible for saving countless lives," said Sir Ronnie. One wonders how he feels now having read Mrs O'Loan's report. It's a nightmare account of a "serial killer" who was allowed by elements in special branch to run amok, to kill and kill and kill again, and to be paid handsomely for his work, at least £80,000.

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Take one of his early victims, Sharon McKenna, a "good Samaritan" 27-year-old Catholic taxi driver shot dead in January 1993 as she was visiting and helping a Protestant pensioner in north Belfast. Haddock was the chief suspect. In fact he told two police officers he was one of the gunmen who killed her.

But, as Mrs O'Loan's report set out, the police protected him, ensuring that he did not break under interrogation, as he appeared on the verge of doing. Back then Haddock might have had a vestige of a conscience, as one of the senior investigating officers said yesterday. But he was seen as too valuable by special branch. After the killing his monthly stipend was increased from £100 to £160.

Had Haddock, who is serving a 10-year prison term for serious assault, been nailed then, as was obviously achievable, all or most of the subsequent horror in which he was such a central figure could have been avoided.

And then there were the murders of Catholics Gary Convie and Eamon Fox at a Belfast building site in 1994. Witnesses said the gunman had a goatee beard. Haddock had a goatee beard but after his arrest was allowed to shave it off in custody.

The report is shocking, almost incredible, on a number of points, not least because no police officer will face charges as evidence was either missing, lost or destroyed; and because so many retired officers refused to co-operate with the investigators including three former assistant chief constables, two former detective chief superintendents and two detective superintendents. And, of course, there was Raymond McCord jnr, beaten to death by Haddock's crew. But for the perseverance of his father, Raymond, yesterday's report would never have happened.

Mr McCord, a vindicated man, is a fearless individual, who can be hot-tempered and tempestuous. At a press conference flanked by his family yesterday he was restrained and dignified but coldly passionate and effective for all that.

He had special criticism for Sir Ronnie, who was chief constable from 1996 to 2002. "If he is trying to tell us he did not know what was going on then he was a poor chief constable, and should not be in the position he is in now," he said. Sir Ronnie is currently chief inspector of Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabulary, the police oversight body for England and Wales. "If he did know what was going on charges should be brought against him and he should be stripped of his knighthood," added Mr McCord.

Harsh words about a former chief constable. Yet the buck has to stop somewhere and over a period of the investigation he was the boss, as was, earlier, Sir Hugh Annesley, and later as acting chief constable, the late Colin Cramphorn.

Current chief, Sir Hugh Orde was also in charge during the investigation period, but he is complimented by the ombudsman for his work in making special branch accountable and no longer a "force within a force", as described by Patten.

Neither Sir Hugh Annesley nor Mr Cramphorn was interviewed for the investigation. Mrs O'Loan said Sir Ronnie co-operated with her investigators "but was unable to assist us as to why these things happened". SDLP leader Mark Durkan said Sir Ronnie must now resign. As a continuing senior police officer it is clear he has serious questions to answer. Did he know? Did he turn a blind eye? Was he kept in the dark? Retired police officers attempted to rubbish the report, as did former Ulster Unionist security spokesman Lord (Ken) Maginnis and the DUP's justice spokesman Ian Paisley jnr who said it was "short on facts but long on supposition". DUP MP Nigel Dodds, who has worked with Mr McCord, was more considered. Anyone who breaks the law should face the law while the sacrifices and good work of the RUC must not be "cast aside", he said.

Nationalists, as expected, were not surprised by Mrs O'Loan's findings. Yet, as Mr McCord said, there is a particular message in the report for unionists. There is a legacy of the Troubles and as well as the terrors inflicted by republican and loyalist paramilitaries, it includes evidence of widespread RUC and British army collusion.

Mrs O'Loan was not prepared to extrapolate on what was a report specific to an area of north Belfast and a specific unit of the UVF. Neither was she prepared to say whether her findings were the "tip of the iceberg".

But it is reasonable to deduce that such Special Branch collusion was not restricted to the Mount Vernon UVF. Think of the Pat Finucane murder, the Dublin-Monaghan bombings, the murders of members of the Miami Showband, the murders of members of the O'Dowd and Reavey families in 1976, numerous other suspicious killings, and all the reports of informers.

Such allegations are not just based on conspiracy theories but on investigations by the likes of the Stevens team, members of the Oireachtas, and scores of reputable lawyers and human rights activists. There is a lot of poison to be purged, much evil to be acknowledged from all sides.

The question was also asked yesterday would this affect whether Gerry Adams can sell policing to his ardfheis on Saturday. Mr Adams turned the question around by saying this report proved why Sinn Féin needed to be involved in policing to ensure the PSNI was accountable at all levels.