THE MOOD in the corridors this week was sombre and despairing. Members were shocked by the awful turn of events, and were seeking what hope could be extracted from the shattered remains.
Drapier had been warning over the last few months that all was not well in the peace process. Relations between the two governments appeared to be deteriorating.
They seemed to be going on different tracks, with 30 minute phone calls between John Bruton and John Major. Mr Major's response to the Mitchell report shocked even the mildest critic of the British stance.
Drapier has no doubt that the rubbishing of the report was the straw that broke the camel's back. The unionists were laughing all the way to Stormont.
The Taoiseach's attitude to talks with Sinn Fein seemed to set the agenda which determined the British response. Some questions were being raised as to how easily Dick Spring may have given in on this, sandwiched as he is between Proinsias De Rossa and Mr Bruton. The Taoiseach's strategy of endeavouring to placate the unionists is in tatters.
It is generally accepted among even the most ardent Government backbenchers that Albert Reynolds's no nonsense tactics are missed. Bertie Ahern had challenged those who stated, at the collapse of the Reynolds government, that the peace process was bigger than one man.
Some Fianna Failers are questioning the role of those who precipitated the fall of that Government, suggesting that they should have put the importance of the peace process above party interests.
At the time, Gerry Adams and Sinn Fein were suggesting future difficulties if the government fell.
By far the most analytical speech in the Northern Ireland debate was that by the Fianna Fail leader. He laid down some very pointed markers. Most of his criticism was levelled at the British government but very cleverly he also indirectly criticised Mr Bruton and Mr Spring, and did not attempt in any way to disguise his criticism of Mr De Rossa.
Indications are that the two governments are coming closer together, but Drapier is wondering if it will be enough. The indications from those in the know is that total agreement between the governments will be only one element required if the ceasefire is to be restored.
Albert has popped up on a number of the media shows. His much publicised meeting with Mr Adams seems to have had no effect. Drapier wonders if Albert will have the same influence as before.
One thing which was extremely disquieting for all parties was the feeling that Mr Major softened his line in his speech to the House of Commons last Monday in the immediate aftermath of the bombing. When the Mitchell report was launched he announced elections.
Mr Trimble was speaking of the elected body needing two years to complete its work, and of "some" decommissioning being required even then.
However, on Monday Mr Major appeared to mellow very much on this, and now it has been suggested that the British government will give the necessary guarantees that all party talks will commence immediately after what they call an "elective process".
Perhaps Mr Major was misunderstood when he made his proposal. If this is so there is fault on both sides, but surely a prime minister of his experience should have been more explicit.
The British government is in a most difficult position because of the bomb: any perception of softening its line will be seen as giving in to violence, whereas to allow for cool heads they must be seen to advance the process.
During the Northern Ireland debate in the Dail it was noted that the US ambassador, Mrs Jean Kennedy Smith, and her officials remained for the duration of the party leaders speeches. However, the absence of the British ambassador, Ms Veronica Sutherland, occasioned some caustic remarks.
It was also noted with some disappointment that there was a huge difference between the way in which the Dail and the House of Commons treated the ending of the ceasefire.
The Dail had a full three day debate whereas the House of Commons merely had an hour of statements. When the history of all this is written it may transpire that lack of proper cohesion between the two governments precipitated our present crisis.
SPEAKING of crisis, a crisis for Proinsias De Rossa has disappeared from the agenda. While the general public may have felt the matter was a trivial one, it wasn't regarded as such by most in here.
Mr De Rossa was seen as having acted in a most unministerial way. Drapier could not believe his eyes when he saw him literally running across the floor of the chamber immediately after the Ceann Comhairle adjourned the session because of the disorder.
Crossing the floor is one of the most symbolic manoeuvres in the chamber. Normally, if a member crosses the floor it is because he is voting with the opposite side. Proinsias was so agitated that he crossed the floor to engage the barracking Fianna Filers.
All in all it was a bad few weeks for Mr De Rossa. Proinsias surprised a few of us when he apologised to the Ceann Comhairle. It remains to be seen whether Fianna Fail and the PDs, who have scented and drawn blood, will be satisfied.
Voting was by all accounts brisk during the week in the Seanad by election. And well it might when the bane of every member the party whip - is breathing down their necks.
There is a feeling that some of the Government deputies and senators will be slightly uneasy voting for Sam McAughtry. That is why, apparently, the Government party whips are believed to be demanding to vet their colleagues voting papers. Anything Charlie Haughey attempted in this regard was mild in comparison with what appears to be happening within the Government parties now.
Drapier believes McAughtry will win if the Government whips succeed in vetting each vote; otherwise Paddy O'Hanlon could steal it.