There is something bleakly contemporary about the theme of human sacrifice in Gluck's Iphigenia in Tauris performed by Welsh National Opera last Friday week in Belfast (and reviewed by Michael Dervan in Monday's Irish Times), writes Martin Mansergh.
The original play of Euripides celebrated the self-confident civilisation of Athens in the 5th century BC. It had left behind a semi-mythical barbarism, in which an island's ruler seized foreign intruders and had them sacrificed by the high priestess to appease the gods. In Gluck's opera, Iphigenia recognises her brother Orestes as she is about to kill him, and joins him and his companion to overthrow the bloodthirsty order, about which she is becoming ever more uneasy.
Horror perpetrated against foreign hostages attracts worldwide attention. Any lasting benefit from the publicity is far more doubtful. It provides ready justification for those arguing that it illustrates the evil, indiscriminate nature of a terrorist threat that must be fought. Any harm done to a woman, performing a public service to her host country, may drive out international agencies but not the multinational force.
Some here cannot resist the opportunity to make political capital out of tragedy. The fate of Ken Bigley and the abduction of Margaret Hassan are not proof that Ireland is viewed no differently from Britain and America. In a world of multiple identities, a passport is prima facie evidence of nationality. There is a case for everyone travelling to the Middle East entitled to an Irish passport carrying one, for whatever modest protection, if any, it may afford, even vis-à-vis those little disposed to differentiate between foreign countries. Brian Keenan's Irish passport contributed to his release. It is difficult from afar to change the perceived nationality assigned to a hostage.
The present situation in Iraq is a ghastly mess. It is doubtful, if the evils of Saddam Hussein in 2003, as opposed to 15 years earlier, were worse than the uncalculated human price now being paid by the Iraqi people. The world is not demonstrably a safer place. With a tyrant gone, one can only hope that the net benefits will increase with time. Common sense and the self-evidence that the US, underwritten by Britain, was determined on a trial of force made many sceptical at the time about implausible claims of an imminent threat from weapons of mass destruction. Saddam Hussein did not help his country, however, by defying the UN and keeping enemies at home and abroad guessing about his hidden capacities.
The war was not satisfactorily legitimated, nor its aftermath properly thought through. Perhaps President Bush snr and Gen Colin Powell showed more wisdom than is appreciated by stopping short of Baghdad in the Gulf War in 1991. Their containment of Saddam Hussein was broadly successful.
The holding of prisoners outside the norms of international law has been a disgrace. The values of Western civilisation have been undermined by double standards and by a philosophy that those with military power should use it.
The hopelessness of trying to impose a Pax Americana on the world has been exposed. The American taxpayer will rally round to protect the homeland from attack, but not to fund further speculative neo-conservative adventures in the Middle East.
Much as most of us might prefer not to be starting from here, the UN approved in June a plan for establishing democracy in Iraq, and endorsed the multinational force to help its achievement. The challenge will be to create conditions to enable its withdrawal, without handing victory to the self-proclaimed allies of Osama bin Laden.
Ireland is a friend of the US. We also know first-hand how strongly people feel about a humiliating foreign military presence.
It would have been an ill-judged return for US support for the peace process and investment in the Celtic Tiger economy to have asserted neutrality against the US, by withdrawing landing facilities in Shannon (or, what would have an equivalent effect, by insisting that aircraft landing be thoroughly searched). The content of our neutrality is policy decided by government. We have never sought neutral status under international law. Shannon can as easily facilitate withdrawal as deeper engagement.
Since June, the UN Security Council (Resolution 1546) has mandated member-states to assist the multinational force. If we support the UN, we cannot now withdraw access to Shannon.
Our role, and that of the EU, is to encourage a return to multilateralism. The UN needs to be strengthened, including by new permanent Security Council members, Germany, India, Japan and Brazil, and perhaps South Africa, as well as by more rotating ones. We should be willing to participate in a more active UN security policy, as de Valera envisaged, but on a case-by-case basis. We should be wary of getting militarily involved in Iraq. Those responsible for the present situation cannot reasonably expect other countries to throw their soldiers into the melting-pot.
If we want public support for a forward involvement in international peace-keeping, including battlegroups, we should not be arguing for abandonment of the triple-lock mechanism (government decision, Dáil endorsement, UN sanction). At the Forum on Europe, earlier this year, Javier Solana, in charge of EU security policy, dismissed arguments based on a solitary example that the triple lock would hamper the Irish contribution. Our valuable tradition of neutrality, which should be maintained, is perfectly compatible with international collective security under UN sanction, even when executed regionally by the EU.
The war on terror is potentially infinite, and is unlikely to be won, unless causes of conflict are also addressed. The US people have a difficult decision on November 2nd, either to validate and reinforce, despite the errors, the strong course followed by President Bush, or to signal some modification by electing John Kerry.
At all events, the US president and the international community will have to find more intelligent means of resolving conflict and to wean people away from human sacrifice, including self-sacrifice, with strong religious overtones.