IN THE FIRST state visit to London by a French president for 12 years, Nicolas Sarkozy presented himself yesterday as a good friend of the United Kingdom and an enthusiastic admirer of its political freedoms and achievements.
As he told the Houses of Parliament, France and the UK have much in common. He promised closer co-operation on defence, foreign and economic policy, within the European Union and beyond it, during France's forthcoming EU presidency. Should this materialise, as he and prime minister Gordon Brown want, both men would benefit from the encounter.
They have been in power for roughly the same length of time and are going through similar difficulties, as voters and opinion polls register a pronounced disenchantment following their early promising starts. After the frenetic and damaging interaction of his personal and political life in recent months Mr Sarkozy, is using this visit to project a more statesman-like image, carefully choreographed with his new wife, Carla Bruni. But his supporters will not be convinced he is serious if he does not deliver on his economic and social reform agenda. To do so he needs international allies - and it is not surprising that he should turn to the UK, which he has long admired as a model for his domestic reforms. On nuclear energy, defence and the international economy he also hopes for deeper relations with Britain.
Mr Brown has also good reason to value a better Anglo-French relationship. He has been studiously silent on European affairs and this would allow him a potentially more active role. He badly needs a fresh focus for Britain's military role in Afghanistan. And he needs help to protect the UK from the developing economic difficulties facing the United States. Mr Sarkozy's offer to deploy more French troops in Afghanistan, coupled with bargaining over France's return to the integrated Nato command, gives him such an opportunity. The problems facing both states in world markets also counsel closer co-ordination, notably over energy. As always they can agree to differ on reform of the Common Agricultural Policy and world trade, even if Mr Sarkozy now appears more open to dialogue on them.
A more long-standing Anglo-French entente would significantly change existing patterns of political influence in the EU and in transatlantic relations. There has been considerable speculation about Mr Sarkozy's cool relations with Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany and on whether they presage a shift away from the Franco-German role in driving the EU. It is too early to make a definite judgment, bearing in mind how deep-rooted that is but France's overall influence would certainly be multiplied by a better relationship with the UK. Under present leaderships they share an inter-governmental perspective on EU affairs, putting more emphasis on sharing power among the largest states. The Lisbon Treaty is partly designed to limit any such tendency by maintaining the EU's institutional balance. Contemplating this diplomatic spectacle in London we should remember that it would not be cost free for Ireland to reject the treaty in the forthcoming referendum.