The last push is on to restore the Belfast Agreement to full working order before the Northern parties move irrevocably into campaign mode for the British general election in May. The omens are mixed. The British Prime Minister, Mr Blair, engaged in a twenty hour stock-taking with the pro-agreement parties over two days in Hillsborough Castle during the week only to conclude that "the political will does exist, but there are still some very tough issues that need to be sorted out". As things now stand, the real threat remains that everything could stall - or fall.
The tough issues are the self-same difficulties which have plagued the peace process since the agreement was ratified by referendums, North and South, more than two-and-a-half years ago: decommissioning, demilitarisation and policing. While the focus has been placed singularly on each and every one of these matters with the ebb and flow of politics in the last year, the challenge now is to frame a package to progress all three simultaneously.
The need for what is being called a "maximum agreement" to bring finality to these recurring implementation controversies was outlined by President Clinton on his visit to Ireland in December. He left "a construct" on his departure: the basis for an agreement on security normalisation, decommissioning and policing. The grand plan required Mr Blair to dismantle military installations in Crossmaglen in return for a real engagement by the IRA with the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning leading to a time-frame for putting arms verifiably beyond use. The SDLP and Sinn Fein, in turn, would nominate members to the Policing Board, the first step in a process to have 50:50 recruitment of Catholics and Protestants to the new Police Service of Northern Ireland.
The dynamic injected by President Clinton into the political process waned after Christmas, however, as each party took stock of its electoral position. The movement was minimal. The Northern Secretary, Mr Mandelson, spoke of the difficulties of demilitarisation. Sinn Fein were not sure what could be delivered in an IRA re-engagement with General de Chastelain and the SDLP became conscious that, in an election year, they had to protect their nationalist flank on policing.
Mr Blair had a simple message for the pro-agreement parties on his return to the North this week: the time for playing hardball must come to an end. It is now accepted, after his visit, that the parties are focused again on what needs to be done if the Belfast Agreement is to be put in working order for the election. The realpolitik is that Mr David Trimble, the Ulster Unionist Party, the SDLP and even possibly Sinn Fein will suffer if they are not fighting on a proBelfast Agreement platform in May.
It is earnestly to be hoped that mutual self-interest, if nothing else, may provide the impetus for the three Northern parties to grasp the political opportunity now presented. This is the last chance for a long time to surmount the outstanding obstacles to the implementation of the agreement in a substantial and final way. The Taoiseach, Mr Ahern, will meet Mr Blair on the fringes of the first British/Irish Council meeting in Dublin on Tuesday to address the issues again. Compromise by all parties is necessary. The basis of the deal under negotiation is honourable for all. The bigger picture always features on the election platform.