Bertie Ahern as Taoiseach is very available to the media, particularly for comments or short interviews. He is door-stepped almost daily by a media pack anxious to get his up-to-date views on current topics.
However, the Taoiseach seldom issues formal press releases. Most of his press releases mark the publication of some major document or report generated within his department's area of responsibility, or pay tribute to a prominent figure who has died.
Occasionally he issues formal press statements after a crucial meeting in the Northern Ireland peace process, or on big occasions like the finalisation of the most recent social partnership negotiations. His press statements very seldom concern international events or subjects.
Recently, however, the Taoiseach has made two short but significant statements on a foreign policy issue. Both of them were strong condemnations of Israel's actions.
The first, published on July 26th, condemned the killing of four UN observers in southern Lebanon. The Taoiseach spoke of how he was appalled by the deaths and went on to strongly condemn the continuing use by Israel of what he described as "reckless and disproportionate force" in Lebanon. The statement also condemned Hizbullah for its attacks on Israel and repeated the call for an immediate ceasefire.
The second press statement was published last Sunday. It said how "shocked and appalled" the Taoiseach was at the news of the heavy loss of life in the Israeli air strike on the village of Qana.
Recalling that Qana suffered a similar tragedy in 1996, he paid tribute to the work of the Unifil forces in Lebanon, and then pointed out how the most recent Qana tragedy underlined why an immediate ceasefire on all sides was urgently needed.
These two statements of course echoed the thrust of the Government's policy on the Israeli attack on Lebanon. It had been set out in the first statement on the Israeli action in Lebanon made by Minister for Foreign Affairs Dermot Ahern on July 15th.
However, it is significant that these subsequent statements were upgraded to Taoiseach level. Bertie Ahern can, when required, be very nuanced in his statements, and indeed sometimes incoherent when it suits his purposes. But he was uncharacteristically straight-talking in those condemnations. The statements were short but the words were strong.
More cynical commentators may suggest that the Taoiseach has gone out front on this issue because, in the absence of the Dáil sittings, he feels a need to reinforce profile before he goes on holidays. However, the level and language of these statements is due to a mix of other factors.
Irish foreign policy on the Middle East has been more even-handed than many other European nations. We have no colonial history or strategic interest in the region, and we have shown a particular empathy for the position in which the Palestinians find themselves.
In addition, there is particular affection for Lebanon in Irish policy-making and political circles, and to an extent among the Irish public at large. One of Ireland's most significant international achievements has been the contribution which our Defence Forces made to the United Nations effort in Lebanon.
While it has been some years since the last of the Irish battalions left Lebanon, the affection which those who have done tours of duty there have for the country has communicated itself to the wider population.
To watch so much of the fruits of Lebanese effort of recent years to rebuild their infrastructure systematically destroyed by Israeli bombing in a matter of days has been upsetting. To observe the Lebanese people suffering again in this way is more disturbing still.
Irish outrage at the bombing of the UN post was particularly acute because we still have a small number of personnel working with the monitoring mission in south Lebanon, and were it not for the grace of good fortune we could have been burying some of our own citizens as a result of this particular Israeli bombing.
As a small player internationally, albeit one which often punches above its limited weight, we must always maintain perspective about the extent to which Ireland can influence international events.
The summoning of the Israeli ambassador to meet our Minister for Foreign Affairs and Minister for Defence to hear our disapproval at the bombing of the United Nations monitoring post may mark a low point in Irish-Israeli relations.
But presumably it was only one of hundreds of démarches which will have been communicated back to Tel Aviv.
Similarly, in the barrage of international criticism directed at Israel for the bombing of Qana last weekend, a condemnation from the Irish Government, even one coming from the Taoiseach himself, will not have been decisive.
However, in Irish foreign policy terms our Government's stance on this crisis has been a significant moment for a number of reasons. Bertie Ahern's Government has usually been ultra-cautious about offending the United States, even under the Bush administration. Nowhere was this more apparent then in the lead-up the invasion of Iraq.
Although Ireland formally stuck to the United Nations position which refused to sanction the invasion, the Taoiseach and his Government have avoided directly criticising the US action in Iraq, and have been generous in the provision of facilities at Shannon.
On this recent Middle East crisis the Bush administration's policy appears to be one of letting Israel continue with military action until it has achieved its war aims or until they can withdraw with credibility.
What has been significant also is that the Government's strong stance on the crisis has enjoyed unanimous support from all of the political parties here. The Oireachtas Joint Foreign Affairs Committee issued a statement which was in terms almost in complete agreement with that of the Government.
It has all made for a period of rare directness, coherence and unanimity in Irish foreign policy.