The politicians who start talking again today to break the impassein the implementation of the Belfast Agreement have theresponsibility of ensuring that devolved government is returnedto the people of the North, writes Barry Turley
The latest round of talks to save the Belfast Agreement begins today. Those who will now grapple with the difficulties of the last few months and the outstanding ambiguities still to be resolved in order to bring about its implementation have their work cut out, but many also bear responsibility for bringing us to this point.
In common with most of the island of Ireland, I greeted the latest suspension of the Northern Ireland Assembly with a mixture of resignation and regret. No one said the implementation of the agreement would be easy, but perhaps our optimism blinded us to the difficulties ahead. I will never forget that bright clear morning of Good Friday 1998, when, as a reporter for Morning Ireland, I stood outside Castle Buildings, clasped John Hume's hand and thanked him for a life's work that had yielded such an opportunity.
Later, when I took up the post of director of communications for the SDLP, I remember the bounce in Mark Durkan's step as he emerged from the assembly chamber as the new Minister for Finance, and was whisked off by his new civil service staff to begin a life at the heart of government. Soon after I stood at the door of the Executive meeting room, and wished Martin McGuinness and Reg Empey good luck as they entered for the first meeting of the North's new Cabinet. Getting there had been tortuous, but still anything seemed possible. I was privileged to witness such positive events, but the negative ones were memorable too.
The first suspension in February 2000 was a day of chaos and despair. The months which followed seemed doomed to failure, but progress was made, and a new dawn heralded the return of the Assembly. The marked difference with this suspension is that society did not exhibit the same sense of despair and foreboding. That fact may well highlight the dangerous ground we are now on. Be under no illusions, the suspension of the Assembly is a disaster for a multitude of reasons, and this new round of talks cannot fail.
Now as a lobbyist for public affairs company Stratagem, I can see at first hand the tragedy and the waste of suspension. I can also bear witness to the fact that the institutions were beginning to make a difference.
One of our roles is to "translate" the agreement and its institutions for businesses, the non-profit sector and semi-state bodies. We train organisations on how the Assembly works and how to get their issues on to the wider political agenda. We can see on a daily basis how different organisations have benefited from having locally elected, democratically accountable people on their doorstep.
One of the most frustrating things about the Assembly was its inability to trumpet its achievements, and the utter uninterest with which much of the Northern Ireland media approached its day-to-day workings.
For instance, over 2,000 Assembly committee meetings have been attended by parties including Sinn Féin and the DUP. Of those meetings, a grand total of two have ended in acrimony. Free transport has been introduced for pensioners. Student grants for the least well off have been introduced. A huge infrastructural overhaul has been initiated.
While it is true the Executive has been slow to get things done, some 22 Bills were in the process of becoming law as the latest crash occurred. A new Housing Bill, with the capacity to aid those without a roof over their heads, was being drafted, a Children's Commissioner was about to be appointed, a Protection of Children and Vulnerable Adults Bill was to become law. More importantly, politics was ceasing to be a dirty word in the North, and organisations which would have run a mile from an elected representative were embracing the new institutions.
Now many sectors as diverse as housing associations, big businesses, pensioners' groups, and local community groups have been left in the dark as to whether key legislation which would have had a major impact on their interests will become reality. They are now faced with NIO Ministers who do not have the time to devote to each department.
This is no reflection on Paul Murphy, Des Browne or their colleagues who are faced with an immense workload and are doing a very good job. They have, this week signalled that those outstanding Assembly bills will be passed through Westminster, so that Stormont's good work will not have been wasted.
However, 14 devolved Ministers, with specific responsibilities have been replaced by five NIO ministers.
The sense of resignation that I mentioned earlier has been fostered by a feeling that this suspension was inevitable. It didn't take an expert to realise that the failure by major players to live up to their commitments, the violence of the loyalist paramilitaries, the arrogance and stupidity of republican extra-curricular activities, the buffeting and weakness of the UUP leadership, and the plotting of the anti-agreement lobby would lead to the current impasse.
Shame on those who have conspired to waste such a historic opportunity not just to bring about change on the grand scale envisaged by the agreement, but to help a small business take on a few more staff, or allow a housing association offer decent accommodation to someone who needs it. Talks begin today. To those attending, appreciate the solemn responsibility which has been placed upon you, get your finger out, and get us our Assembly and all that goes with it back.
Barry Turley is a lobbyist with the Belfast public affairs company Stratagem.