Deaglán de Bréadún looks at the state of EU-US relations in the wake of the summit at Dromoland Castle
Peace and love were prominent features of the anti-Vietnam War movement of the 1960s and they were in evidence again at Dromoland Castle last weekend. But this time it was not the anti-war protesters expressing these sentiments but the EU-US delegations on the other side of the barrier.
Let the word go out: relations between America and part of Europe are, more or less, back to normal. Minor irritations remain but the great rift between "Boston and Berlin" over the Iraqi invasion has been substantially closed. As when two warring spouses re-unite after a period of separation, there is an agreement to disagree and a joint determination to look to the future.
True, there are issues arising out of the war which diplomats like to call "neuralgic". Reflecting public concern, the Taoiseach, Mr Ahern, and even the President, Mrs Mary McAleese, averted to the treatment of prisoners in Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo Bay.
Insiders say that, far from seeking to avoid these issues, the US President was more than happy to discuss them, both in the bilateral meeting with the Taoiseach and the subsequent EU-US encounter. "The Americans are never afraid to talk about these issues," one senior source said. Mr Bush said that, although he was under pressure from those who believed the prisoners might have information that would save American lives, he was sickened by the revelations, and the US would never condone torture. He noted, however: "You've got guys who have said they are going to try and kill more Americans when they are released."
Although the EU is not engaged in the security aspects of the Iraqi situation, it strongly supports efforts to build a democratic society in Iraq and is fully behind the transfer of sovereignty this Wednesday to an interim Iraqi administration. "Everybody wants to move forward and is on the same wavelength," a source said. There is also broad transatlantic agreement on the Israeli/Palestinian conflict and a joint determination to ensure that Israel's withdrawal from Gaza is "a success".
The US side made clear that it wanted to see similar positive developments, both in relation to the West Bank and the reorganisation of the Palestinian security forces to make them more effective. There is a continuing disagreement about the role of Yasser Arafat. The Americans see him as an obstacle to progress and Mr Bush noted in passing that "he caused my predecessor to fail". The EU viewpoint, articulated by Irish delegates, was that, whatever his merits or demerits, there was no getting around the Palestinian President. Treat him with dignity as the elected leader of his people, allow him freedom of movement, and he would have a greater incentive to make a peace deal.
On the wider issue of Middle East reform, the President gave a relatively modest account of US ambitions. This was not about turning Saudi Arabia into another USA, it was more a case of helping those who sought reform, for example, in relation to women's rights. He said, in effect, that it was not good enough to tolerate injustice as long as the oil kept flowing.
In tones of deep concern, the President raised the issue of the alleged development of nuclear weapons in Iran. Under US law, trade with Iran is illegal, which means that no trade sanctions can be imposed and there is no way for the US unilaterally to put Iran under economic pressure to change its ways.
Mr Bush explained that this was a position he had inherited from the past. It was clear at the meeting that the Americans "feel powerless" on Iran and are looking to Europe for assistance. For their part, the Iranians deny they are developing a nuclear weapons capacity, but the Americans don't believe them.
"The Americans feel a bit out of the game and are not in any kind of dialogue with Iran," according to a diplomatic insider. The unspoken concern is that Israel may take unilateral action to deal with an emerging Iranian nuclear threat.
The Taoiseach briefed the visitors on Northern Ireland developments and Mr Bush expressed his eagerness to ensure that the US was doing everything possible to help. He held up the peace process as an example of what could be achieved in the area of conflict resolution.
A separate joint declaration was issued on the subject of the humanitarian crisis in the Sudanese region of Darfur. Meanwhile, the President was "very strong" on HIV/AIDS and anxious that the money allocated for care and prevention was reaching its target.
Arthur Griffith used to talk about the "paper wall" between Ireland and Britain, and those who met the President and his team say there is a similar level of ignorance and misunderstanding here about the US and its agenda. Likewise, the Americans lack a full understanding of the European perspective. However, there was quiet satisfaction among Irish representatives, in particular, that a joint declaration on combating terrorism included a commitment "to diminish the underlying conditions that terrorists can seize to recruit and exploit to their advantage".
The EU, particularly the Republic, has more experience of dealing with terrorism than the US, which is new to this deadly game. Launching a "crusade" against "evil" is not sufficient, you have to tackle the roots of the problem.
Insiders said people had the wrong idea about Mr Bush's personality. He was "a very confident guy" who was "very much the man in charge" of the US delegation.
Deaglán de Bréadún is the Foreign Affairs Correspondent of The Irish Times